cordance with which legislative power should be
distributed--which would be the case if the theory
of representation according to population was
the true one—for the rights appertaining to the
person are the same everywhere, and the personal
rights of a citizen of Baltimore are just as safe
in the hands of the delegates from St. Mary's,
as in those from Baltimore itself—for in protest-
ing, their own personal rights, they protect those
of the citizen, not only of Baltimore, but of every
other part of the State. The rights of property—
those rights from which arise the conflicting interests of
the different portions of the State—
should furnish the basis upon which should rest
the distribution of legislative power—such a distribution
as would give proper protection to all
the interests that would come under its control.
Can this proper protection be afforded to all interests,
when the rights and interests of any part
of the State, however small are placed at the
mercy of any other portion of the State?
I ask, can it be possible, in a case like this, for
the minority to have equal rights with the majority,
when their peculiar interests and institutions
depend entirely upon the will of the majority
without any means of self-protection. In
such a state of things the minority would remain
in constant dread that the majority would trample
upon the rights which they had not the pow-
er to defend. Is this the peace and security
which government should afford to all its citizens?
Let us, look at the peculiar position of Mary-
land, and see whether this would not be the condition
of a portion of her people if the basis of
representation advocated by reformers, (as they
please to call themselves.) should be engrafted
upon our Constitution. She has a small territo-
ry in the midst of which a great city had been
built—limit up too, be it remembered, by the
generosity of that very people whom they now
wished to trample underfoot. It was growing
and increasing so rapidly, that, before many
years, it would, contain, within its limits, a majority
of the whole people of the State. Its
mighty works of internal improvement were
stretching out in every direction, drawing wealth
from every part of the country, with this mighty
reservoir; and soon sir, it will become entirely
independent of Maryland and its government.
It will be more bound to Virginia, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania save perhaps by some lingering
ties of filial affection, than to the State that has
built it up Her interests therefore are different
from the interests of the counties, and this the
reform counties acknowledge in their unwilling-
ness to give her what they claim for themselves;
upon what principle, they have not as yet told
us. And, sir, there is a decided difference of in-
terests between ha two great sections of the
counties of the State. The Baltimore and Ohio
railroad seems to be the dividing line between
them. In the city of Baltimore and in the western
portion of the State, the institution of slavery
is gradually dying away, and their place will be
supplied by people who will bring with them—
deep in their hearts—a hostility to this institution
And, sir this feeing will gradually diffuse itself, |
if it is not there already, through the minds of
the whole people of that section. The people of
the lower part of Maryland might well feel anxious
then, as they see the political power of the
State about to be transferred to a section from
which they might expect hostility to this institution.
An institution interwoven with all their
interests and their feelings, to them so valuable,
and to which they are so deeply attached.
Take this away—to use a quotation of the gentleman
from Worcester, (Mr. Jacobs) and "you
take that which not enriches you, but makes
them poor indeed.".
We do not wish to rule Baltimore city or the
upper part of Maryland. The past experience
might teach them not to fear us if we did. All
we wish is to have a substantial power, under the
Constitution, of self-protection--a power to de-
fend our peculiar institutions whenever they
should be attacked. This is what we justly claim
and will consent to nothing less.
But gentlemen said, that there was no danger.
There might not be now. Every man here, I
believe, is southern in his feelings. I do not de-
sire to impute to any gentleman here hostility to
this institution. But when this institution shall
have disappeared entirely from the western section
of the State, and its place shall have been
supplied by a population hostile, from every consideration
that can operate upon the human-mind,
to this institution, then the hour of danger would
come. Then Maryland would witness the same
struggle that had agitated this Union from one
end to the other, and had almost divided us into
two people; then I say will be the fearful time
for the people of the lower part of the State--
fearful indeed if the power of self-protection is
to be taken away from them. Then is it strange
that we should struggle against this direful con-
summation so firmly and warmly?
What does the constitutional guarantee which
we have passed amount to when we hear gentle-
men openly say, that they expect nothing from
this Constitution, and that it will not be long
before they will have it in their power to make
just such an one as they want. Then where can
our rights and our interests looks for protection.
You take from us the power now, which you
will use hereafter to destroy us.
Then I appeal to the delegates from lower
Maryland, to take a firm and manly stand against
this thing. I appeal to them by the fearful
evils which this loss of our power will surely
entail upon us in the future. And, sir, if I
thought it would be any avail, I would appeal
to the liberality of the rest of the State to leave
this power of self protection in our hands.
But long speeches were ever wearying in this
body. I have done what I wished to do. I merely
wished to say to the delegates from the smaller
counties, that we should firmly unite to ward
off the wrong with which we are threatened. I
offer you, as a delegate from a small county, the
hand of fellowship. I will stand by you as long
as mind and body last. I will give you a help-
ing hand to protect your rights and interests,
let the consequences be what they may. I be- |
