the hand of an ancestor, and would save it if
possible from the woodman's axe, but if the axe
had to be laid to its roots—if it must be given to
the flames, and its ashes scattered to the winds
of Heaven—without even a twig being left to
lay up in the casket of memory—I could not re-
frain from giving it a tear. 'Tis thus that I feel
towards the old Constitution Maryland. Every
man here knows that there are glorious associ-
ations and memories connected with it--every
body knows that the people of Maryland have
lived under it happily and prosperously and that
she now stands--and no son of hers will deny
it—one of the brighest stars in the galaxy of this
Union.
Yes! they had lived happily under it, they had
prospered under it, and now that a new state of
things waste be brought about, the end of which
we know not, it was most natural that we should
feel some little desire to express a sentiment of
respect, to pay one tribute, to that which was
passing away, which would so soon be
"Gone glimmering thro' the dream of things that
were."
I have, Mr. President, another object in troubling
the Convention on this occasion, which I
hope will be considered a sufficient reason for
my intrusion upon its time and patience. I re-
present a county, sir, upon this floor, which, by
some means or other, (I shall not attempt to say
what they were,) has sent a mixed delegation to
this Convention—gentlemen who, by their votes
here, have given expression to different opinions
in regard to this great question of representation
I wish to know, sir, who of these delegates are
right--who represented the true sentiment of the
people of Montgomery? I call upon them to say
who they are. I will express my opinions freely
and in expressing them, will say that they reflect
the opinions of a large majority of the people
I represent upon this floor. I say this boldly
and defy contracdiction. I say, sir, that the
people of Montgomery never will sanction any
plan of representation which recognises popula-
tion, solely, as its basis—which asserts the doc-
trine of the absolute right of mere majorities of
numbers to rule. My people will not sanction
it, in any shape or form whatever; and I, as their
representative, cannot sanction it. I lay, sir,
they will not, and I believe I know their feelings
and sentiments upon this subject. If this is not
so, let those of their delegates here who differ
with me deny the truth of what I assert. What!
Montgomery desert old St. Mary's now—that
noble county, sacred to the memory of the Pil-
grim fathers of Maryland, around which were
gathered memories and associations which made
the heart of every true son of this gallant state
throb with pride! Montgomery desert the generous
and hospitable southern counties of Mary-
land, which have done so much for the glory and
honor of the State—the names of many of whose
sons adorned the history of their country! She
desert them, and be willing to see them struck
down, shorn of their power, and made mere almoners
upon the mercy of Baltimore city and the |
upper counties? Never, never, would she con-
sent to this upon any terms whatever; and I assert
this here as her representative—nor can I
agree thus to trample upon the graves of my an-
cestors—whose dust sleeps in the bosom of St.
Mary's, upon the bank of the beautiful Patuxent!
Beside this, sir, Montgomery had a feeling of
self-interest in this matter, for she too was a
small county, and if the plan, now under consideration
prevailed, it would take from her one
half of the political power and influence which
she now exercises in the Legislature of Mary-
land; and. sir, while it adds to the power and
strength of the upper counties and the city of
Baltimore, it cuts Montgomery down. As a
faithful representative and servant of her's, I
never can, so help me God. I never will consent
to this, let the consequences he what they may.
The interests of Montgomery, sir, are more
identified with those of the lower part of Mary-
land, than they are with those of the upper
counties and Baltimore, notwithstanding it has
been said that she was a western county. She
is divided, as it were, from these counties by
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and her mar-
ket was in the cities of the District of Columbia,
and not, in Baltimore. She has, too, a large
slave-holding interest, which will suffer under the
operation of this plan if it should be carried out.
For these reasons, sir, she will not agree to be
shorn of the power which she has hitherto pos-
sessed—the power of self-protection. And,
sir, her claims and the claims of southern Ma-
ryland, rest upon the soundest foundation of rea-
son, justice and right.
I have heard the rights of the people spoken
of, but I have not beard it slated what they
were. I have heard the right of mere majorities
to rule asserted—but it has been mere assertion.
I have heard no proof to establish the truth of
this theory. I should like to hear the proof. It is
not fair for those who style themselves, par excellence,
the reformers of the Convention, to
push this matter to a conclusion so soon. I
should like them before they adopt this proposi-
tion (which I believe they will do) to give their
reasons for so doing, to the people of Maryland
—not to confine their discussions within the
walls of a secret caucus—but to give their ar-
guments here, that they may go upon the re-
cord—here in the presence of the people openly,
boldly and freely.
Let them sustain their theory of the right of
majorities to govern under any and all circumstances
in the face of day that all may bear them
—tell the people of lower Maryland why you
strip them of the power they have hitherto possessed
—the power to protect their rights and interests, by
some argument at least to make them
believe that yon are sincere in the opinions
which drive you to do this unholy act, or you
will plant a feeling—bitter and rankling—in
their bosoms which no time or circumstances
can ever obliterate. You will break the ties of
brotherhood that have heretofore bound us to
you.
It is not my intention to detain the Conven- |
