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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 1, Debates 52   View pdf image
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52
He would only add, that the committee were pre-
pared to act on the subject.
Mr. SPENCER expressed his gratification that
the committee had come to such a conclusion.
He had not seen or read the provisions from the
committee, and his course would not, therefore,
be changed.
He here read another of his proposed amend-
ments, as follows:
Sec. 5. That the Governor of this State shall
under no circumstances grant a nolle prosequi to
any person, who may be prosecuted in due course
of law in any of the courts of this State, for any
violation of the second Section of this Constitu-
tion, nor shall he grant a pardon to any person
who may be convicted in due course of law, as
aforesaid, for any such violation, unless he is
satisfied that the said prosecution was malicious,
unfounded and untrue.
There amendments would show that so far as
lie was concerned, he was anxious to preserve
the purity of the ballot box, by preventing bribe-
ry or the colonizing of voters. On these, and the
remedies suggested by the gentleman from Cecil
(Mr. MCLANE) and a proper tone in public mor-
als will rest our security against the corruption
of the elective franchise. It is not right or just
to attribute them to the humble, the uninformed,
the poor. They originate in more elevated
sources and flow from a higher fountain—from
those who occupy seats of power and who are
distinguished by wealth and station. Official
dignitaries have connived at, encouraged and of-
ten taken the lead in them. The humble instru-
ment is not as much to be blamed, as the tempter
who, taking advantage of his necessities, seduces
him by his alluring bribe. Men of the highest
talent and education in the State are implicated.
It is well known that committees are appointed
and money raised to immense amounts, for the
purpose of controling the elections, by buying
and colonizing voters. Committees to carry out
purposes so discredible are raised. We must
strive down this evil, in order to arrest the dis-
ease. We must interpose barriers which will
prevent our public men from engaging in the
corrupting schemes which are resorted to at
election?. It will not do to impose restrictions
upon the right of suffrage. That right is too sa-
cred. If the amendment proposed is adopted,
it will operate most unjustly and oppressively
upon the laboring classes. It will effectually
strike down the right of many humble and hon-
est men every where, throughout the State,
whilst it will inflict no punishment on official
criminals. In the city of Baltimore it will work
particularly hard. Our elections for State pur-
poses occur early in October, the first Wednes-
day, and we have beard no intimation that the
time will he changed. Hundreds of the honest
laboring classes in that city, men who have not
the substance to enable them to procure permanent
residences, rent by the quarter, which will expire
on the first day of October. If you pass this restriction,
and their necessities, business or con-
venience require them to move into another
ward, they will lose their votes. Five days
will not have elapsed from the termination of
their quarter to the day of election. It was not
just to deprive this class of citizens of their rights,
by imposing such restrictions. It was not prop-
er to deprive an honest man of his rights of suf-
frage, because another abuses it. There is no
reason why a just and honest man should not
vote, because dishonest men abuse the same high
privilege. And yet, this is the excuse given
for such a measure, by the gentleman from Kent,
and others. The morals of such a sentiment
cannot be appreciated. They rest upon no au-
thority derived from any school in ethics.
It is alleged that the object was to prevent
the colonizing of voters. It would have no such
effect. Colonizing would be conducted on a
more extensive and demoralizing scale. It is
no new thing in Maryland. Many years ago,
under the old divisions of party, as he had under-
stood, and the gentleman from Kent, (Mr. CHAM-
BERS,) he supposed, knew of the fact, voters,
were colonized in Kent for six months, previous
to an election.
Mr. CHAMBERS, interposing, observed the gen-
tleman then resided in the county.
Mr. SPENCER. Yes—he was (ben a boy,
but the gentleman was a leader of the party
which was reported to be engaged in the matter.
It was said that a factory was established in
Chestertown for the purpose of manufacturing
voters. ,
Mr. CHAMBERS in explanation said a factory
was established by a company, and he was a
stockholder in it, but it had no relation to the
elections, as the gentleman supposed.
Mr. SPENCER was about to reply, when Mr.
BRENT of Baltimore, called the gentleman to or-
der, they being engaged in a colloquem, which
was irregular.
Mr. SPENCER resumed and went on to say, that
we could gain nothing by adopting the five days
system. The only effect would be that voters
would be colonized for five days, instead of six
months; and during those five days the grossest
corruption will be practised, and the largest purse
will win the victory. We have had in this State
proof in abundance of the power of money to
corrupt and destroy; and if we adopt this restric-
tion we must expect to see a flood of corruption
inundating the State. You can never expect to
see the ballot-box purified, until the money
temptation can be checked. It can never be effec-
ted by bearing down upon the poor and humble
roan, whose poverty lays him open to temptation.
Let the humble be uninterrupted in their enjoy-
ment of the right of suffrage; and adopt the prin-
ciple that no man shall be allowed to hold office,
until he shall have purified himself, on oath, from
all suspicion of having been guilty of bribery or
corruption. Some gentlemen admit that they
had contributed to election expenses. Would
these gentlemen, if elected to high office, put
their hands to the book. He believed there was
no man here, who would perpetrate so palpable
an outrage on the laws of God and man. Can-
didates for office would not, could not, directly
or indirectly, engage in frauds and corruptions.
They would not give money to buy or colonize
voters. Nor could their friends do so for them.


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 1, Debates 52   View pdf image
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