sotto voce, and apparently without any specific
meaning—still it had its object. The design of
the gentleman doubtless was gently to insinuate
to the public that, there were gentlemen here
ready to "bid high" for popularity,
Now an imputation of this sort, Mr. President,
[said Mr. B,] made by another with reference to
the gentleman from Kent himself, would have
been, as we all know, repelled with quite suffi-
cient point. He must, therefore, not be surprised
if others are not disposed quietly to submit to
such intimations when applied to them. Does
not the gentleman from Kent perceive, said Mr.
B., that his intimation of "high bids" is quite
broad enough to involve his friend from Anne
Arundel, [Mr. Dorsey,] who here advocates the
liberal doctrine—and yet it is surely to be pre-
sumed, that a gentleman of the advanced age of
the honorable gentleman from Anne Arundel,
would not turn upon his heel for any office in the
State.
If my friend from Kent, really designed an
imputation invidous, in the remark which he
made, I can only say, coming from him, it is in
very bad taste For myself, said Mr. B., the
mover of this amendment, I claim to stand as far
removed from any unworthy influences here, as
the honorable gentleman from Kent possibly can
I ask nothing—I desire nothing—but the con-
sciousness of having endeavored faithfully to dis-
charge my duty here as a representative of the
people. My part here is to act upon my best
judgment of what is proper to be done, uninfluenced
by any one What effect a particular act
or vote may have on my personal popularity, I
stop not to enquire and care not to know.
This amendment, said Mr. B , was offered by
me mainly for the reasons which have been As-
signed by the gentleman from Anne Arundel,
(Mr. Dorsey,) that is to say to guard, against in-
vidious and odious distinction between native
born and naturalized citizens. Such distinctions
are in my judgment illiberal, impolitic and un-
just.
My friend from Queen Anne, [Mr. Grason,]
said Mr. B., thinks that there is not the least
proability that a man of foreign birth will be
elected Governor of Maryland, and that, there-
fore, the restriction is unimportant. If this be
the fact, I cannot conceive why it is that my ex-
cellent friend so tenaciously adheres to it. Why
not obliterate at once? if there is no danger
there is no need of the restriction.
Mr, President, [said Mr. B.,] our present Con-
stitution contains no such objectionable provi-
sions, as that which is now proposed. We are
going back instead of forward—we are becoming
more restrictive instead of becoming more libe-
ral. We came to this Convention avowedly to
enlarge the privileges of the people, and now we
desire to be engaged in an effort to contract
them,
Suppose a naturalized citizen should be elec-
ted Governor of the State—where the harm?
Where the danger? Have we not confided our
dearest interests to them in other days, and
where have they shown themselves faithless or
ungrateful? I shall vote for the amendment. |
Mr. CHAMBERS said with regard to the good or
bad taste of his remarks, which had formed the
principle subject of the lecture just administered
by the gentleman from Baltimore county, [Mr.
Buchanan.] he had only to remind that gentle-
man that it was a subject on which he should not
be too dogmatical. One of the mast ancient
adages we have, has taught us to believe that
"taste is not a matter for argument" He was
quite willing to submit to the House the decision
of the question of taste. Another attempt of the
gentleman was rather amusing. He had gratui-
tously given to his remarks about "bidding" a per-
sonal application to his venerable friend from
Anne Arundel, [Mr. Dorsey.] Why, asked Mr.
C., can any one suppose that at his time of life,
that gentleman is preparing fora race in the field
of popularity? We all know it is quite impossi-
ble. But to the subject. He had said, and he
repeated, our course was downward in this mat-
ter. The current was continually setting more
and more strongly down hill. Did not the votes
on the elective franchise bill show that? The
gentleman from Baltimore county, he believed,
went in every case for enlarging the privileges of
foreigners. Did not the history of the present
bill confirm the existence of this tendency? In
the quiet of their chamber the committee had
matured a system, which' they thought reasonable,
and he believed, properly so thought. It is in-
troduced here, and the moment the idea is sug-
gested that an alteration may be made, enlarging
the privileges of the foreigner, that moment the
eloquence of gentlemen is put in requisition to
resound the popular note—"no distinction,"
"no proscription," "no exclusion." it was his
decided opinion that sound reasons existed for a
distinction in the matter.
Our system of government is a complicated
one. Educated as we are in the midst of these
institutions and familiar with their operations,
we do not appreciate this fact. But it is made
evident by the observation of the almost univer-
sal errors that prevail on this subject abroad. It
is not at all understood by foreigners. Anything
approaching to an accurate knowledge of our sys-
tem is confined to persons connected with affairs
of government at home, whose official duties
make it necessary to know something of the na-
ture and proceedings of other governments. Of
this class none emigrated to this county. Of
this class even, we constantly witness instances
of the greatest misconception of the practical
operation of our complex federative system.
It was not likely then, that under such circum-
stances foreigners, who came here at mature age,
with habits of thought formed and fixed, could
without a reasonable period for experience as
well as probation, be qualified to administer the
office of Chief Magistrate, as well as one who,
equal in all Other respects, had a perfect acquaint-
ance with all the peculiarities of our condition.
Again, it is one most important item in the du-
ties of a Governor to make selections from the
citizens of the State for the various offices. Strip
him as you may of his prevent patronage, still it
is quite impossible to avoid the necessity of leav-
ing with him the sole power to appoint, in some |
