and among that number was the gentleman from
the city of Baltimore. He knew there was an
effort being made to obliterate county distinctions
in regard to representation, ?? already notice
had been given for districting the State, regard-
less of county lines, for that purpose.
The next monstrous notion he expected to hear
announced, would be to elect delegates to the Gen-
eral Assembly, by ageneral ticket system through-
out the whole State. Then would soon follow
an obliteration of all other county distinctions re-
cognised by the present Constitution. And then,
indeed, the counties of old Maryland, which have
had, and enjoyed rights, powers and privileges
for two centuries, will be shorn of the same, and
will experience the sore penalty of their wicked-
ness, for bending their "knees to Baal." The
city of Baltimore in a short time will have half
of the population of the State; and recognise in
her the potency of numbers—cease to protect the
counties from her power; and she will have the
ability to yield the government of Maryland.
Then, whether for weal or wo, the counties will be
compelled to submit. They will no longer have
an existence, for their separate and distinct interest,
to be represented in the halls of legislation.
Who is prepared to lend a hand to effect this
dangerous innovation ? Is there a delegate here,
representing any of the counties of this State, wil-
ling to give away. or to barter for a mere "mess
of pottage," for party consideration, the dearest
interest of his constituents? Is there a delegate
herewith his sword drawn, ready to commit such
an atrocious suicide? He fain hoped the contrary.
Mr. D. said, the gentleman from the city of
Baltimore contends that we are not here as "dele-
gates of the counties, but of the state of Mary-
land." If this be the fact, then the delegates
from the counties are as much the representa-
tives of the city of Baltimore, as those of her
own choice. She has, according to that the-
ory, the whole delegation of Maryland repre-
senting her upon this floor. Why then all of this
outcry from Baltimore, for more representation?
Why then those treasonable threats we see al-
most daily made by a public press in that city,
because she is denied a larger representation ? If
the whole delegation of Maryland represent her
in the legislative department of the government,
all must acknowledge she is now amply repre-
sented.
But, said Mr. D., he believed that theory would
be modified, or entirely abandoned, when the
question of representation came up for discussion.
Upon a failure to district the State, for the pur-
pose of representation, which he anticipated
would occur, he thought there, would be many.
who now deny his theory in regard to county dis-
tinction, who will then become even clamorous
in its favor, and perhaps also for county supe-
riority.
Why, (exclaimed Mr. D.,) this anxious desire
to do away county distinctions? Why this eager-
ness to adopt a new mode of representation? Ah,
Mr. President, it is because of the hope enter-
tained, that if such a thing can be achieved, of
getting admitted into the Legislature of your |
State, the Herculean power of Baltimore city.
Sir, it is to obtain power and the mastery, that
such schemes are concocted. Yield to those wild
notions and extravagant demands of some, and
you will have the anomaly of our city within a
State, occupying but a few acres of its territory,
with a large population, heterogeneous in its na-
ture, and turbulent in spirit, governing that State.
Sir, tell me not, that to concentrate political
power, sufficient to control the government of a
State, in a single city of the same, there need be
no apprehensions of misrule and tyranny. Tell
me not, that a single city, possessing the power
over other communities, would be less liable to
practice tyranny, than a single individual. The
old adage, "the greater the number of tyrants,
the greater the amount of tyranny," would be
fully realized and felt, upon such an event.
Much more, Mr President, would I prefer the
category under another old maxim, "that one
tyrant is better than many."
Bat, said Mr D., the example of other States
will, no doubt, be urged in favor of this new
mode of representation, and for abolishing that
old and well-tried system, adopted by our patrio-
tic forefathers, and under which we have lived
and prospered for about two hundred years. Sir,
the example of those States, is not a proper ex-
ample to affect us in the adjustment of this ques-
tion. Our cases are not atall similiar. We have
a small State with a large city. which will soon
number and contain half of our population, and
they have large States, with large cities, the po-
pulation of which can never exceed one-eighth of
that of the whole State. The adoption of the
principle of representation based upon population
alone will never, in those States, concentrate a
preponderance of political power in a single city.
But it will be readily seen, that our situation is
vastly dissimilar, and experience must induce us
to adopt a different rule in the distribution of
legislative power The old adage, "that circum-
stances alter cases," must be applied to that prin-
ciple, for which we have an example in other
States, and to which some are so warmly at-
tached, or we shall sacrifice justice, and open the
door for oppression, by the adoption of a princi-
ple in the apportionment of representation, which
is in no way suited to our case.
Mr. D said, he could not agree to the theory
advanced by the gentleman from Baltimore city,
although in one point of view it may be regarded
as a strong argument against the demands of Bal-
timore city, and the larger counties, for an in-
crease of representation, which he positively op-
posed. He regarded the delegates in this Con-
vention, as the representatives of the different
counties and the city of Baltimore, which elec-
ted them, and from whom they derive their
authority; and he regarded them also, in the ag-
gregate, as the representatives of the whole
State? Each delegate here is the representative
of his immediate constituents, particularly, and of
the State generally. He did not look upon the
counties as sovereignties, for such a notion would
be vain and foolish—the State herself has hardly
a principle of sovereignty left her; but he did
hold they were separate and distinct communi- |
