He desired to see the whole available school
fund of the State appropriated, not according to
local, county, or sectional interests, but according
to population, in order that equality in its distri-
bution might be preserved as nearly as possible.
He, desired that every child in Maryland should
be educated; and, if the school fund should not
be sufficient for that purpose, then he was in fa-
vor of making every voter in the State contribute
to the object, as one of the holiest and most in-
teresting, that could engage the attention of civi-
lized men.
Mr. DAVIS interposed, and desired to ask a
question.
Mr. EGE yielded the floor.
Mr. DAVIS Did I understand the gentleman
to say, that every voter in the State should
contribute to a school fund?
Mr. EGE. I do say so—and I make the decla-
ration in the utmost sincerity, and under a full
conviction of the responsibility which attaches
to it?
Mr. DAVIS. I only wished to be sure that I un-
derstood the gentleman correctly.
Mr. EGE. You did, sir.
Mr. SOLLERS, (in his seat.) A poll tax!
Mr. EBB. It is immaterial to me by what name
it is called; and, I care not what opprobrium
may be attempted here or elsewhere to be cast
upon me for the principle I have avowed.
Mr. DAVIS. I intended no opprobium, and ex-
pressed no opinion. All I desired was to be
certain that I was not mistaken as to the position
which I understood the gentleman to assume.
Mr. EGE. lam well aware that this is not a
popular doctrine. I care not for that. I be-
lieve it to be right, and I am not disposed to
yield my own convictions of truth and duty, be-
cause they may pot chime in with the popular
voice, or even with the sentiments of my own
immediate constituents. I must act for my-
self.
I know the responsibility under which I speak,
and I shall not shrink from meeting it. The
principle is one which, if carried into practical
operation would destroy many heart-burnings,
and forever save the feelings of honest penury
from cruel and unnecessary wounds. I he poor
man's son could then stand proudly by the side of
the rich man's son, and say " I am your equal."
It would benefit the poor man by securing edu-
cation to his children at a much cheaper rate
than it can be obtained under the present system.
The appropriation of this pittance to so noble a
cause, will be an honor to the poor man, and a
declaration that no superiority is acknowledg-
ed by the mere accident of wealth or station.
He should demand it for every reason dear to
him as a citizen, father, and patriot—that a pure
fountain of truth, justice, and equality, may
take the place of the turbid and unequal stream
now flowing through the State.
It only remains for me to say that I have not
brought forward this proposition upon the mere
impulse of the moment. It has been a matter of
anxious deliberation with me, and it may not |
perhaps have escaped the remembrance of the
Convention that, at an early stage of its proceed-
ings, I introduced a resolution embodying the
principle I now advocate,
Mr. SPENCER. The motion is to reconsider
the vote. and it had nothing to do with the vari-
ous subjects which were now under discussion.
He would not discusss the subject of education,
or the manner in which appropriations should be
applied. When those questions come up in their
proper order, he would be ready to go into their
discussion. His object was to make a few re-
marks only, in reply to what had yesterday fallen
from the gentleman from Frederick. In answer
to a remark from the gentleman from Baltimore,
(Mr. Presstman,) he, (Mr S.,) had said that the
Legislature would be restricted by the amend-
ment of his colleague, (Mr. George,) from going
beyond one hundred thousand dollars, and he had
given his views to that effect. The gentleman
from Frederick stated that he could show, with
the clearness with which a proposition in euclid
could be demonstrated, that a different construc-
tion was the true one. After all, however, the
gentleman from Frederick had not convinced
him that he had given a wrong construction.
But it appeared that there were differences of
opinion on the subject among gentlemen in the
House, and this had brought him to the conclu-
sion that something might be done by way of
compromise. He intended to give his vote in
favor of the motion to reconsider, and if that
motion should be decided in the affirmative, he
would then be prepared to offer a proposition
which he would now indicate, in order that the
two sections shall not hereafter stand in opposi-
tion to each other. And then he intended to of-
fer an additional section. He briefly stated what
would be the effect of the propositions to which
he had referred, and which he read.
Mr. DAVIS proposed briefly to state what he
thought would be the effect of this motion. He
would take the opportunity to explain himself.
His amendment was brief and simple, being con-
tained in the few words, "except for purposes of
education." Nothing could be more plain. All
can understand it. The vote in favor of the pro-
position yesterday was nearly as two to one. But
notwithstanding this decided expression of the
sense of the Convention, the potential voice of
the gentleman from Frederick is heard this mor-
ning, asking that the vote of yesterday shall be
reconsidered, because he finds himself in the
awkward position of having his name on the re-
cord as opposed to the education of the people.
Here, however, he hoped the gentleman from
Frederick would be allowed to stand; and there,
as far as he could do it, he, (Mr. D.,) intended
to keep him. He called the attention of the
House to a very able report on the subject of ed-
ucation which was made to the Legislature some
years ago by a gentleman of distinction, who was
always regarded as par excellence, a Democrat
and a Reformer; he meant Judge Legrand. It
appears from that report, that in this state of
Maryland, there are fifteen thousand seven hun-
dred and fifty-four persons above the age of
twenty-one, who can neither read nor write. It |
