those sections go, I approve of them entirely; for
they declare,
First, "The Legislature, hereafter, shall con-
tract no debt, unless they provide for its payment
by a tax, levied at the time; which tax shall never
be diverted to any other purpose." This taxing
accompaniment will be the best security against
contracting debt in future, that we could possi-
bly have; for whilst, in case of foreign invasion
or domestic insurrection, it might become neces-
sary to contract debt, in which emergency, the
power is not denied, yet for purposes of mere
policy, the power would be inoperative, because
.of the responsibility of delegates to their constitu-
ents and the aversion of the people to taxation.
Second, "Two-thirds of the Legislature shall
be requisite to appropriate public money, and the
Legislature shall not have the power to make
appropriations, loans or subscriptions to any
work of internal improvement." I say I voted
for both of these sections, but they do not go far
enough; we want some indemnity for the past, as
well as security fur the future, and that was the
object designed to be secured, by the amendment
I offered yesterday.
Gentlemen thought that amendment suscepti-
ble of improvement and the section I offer now,
in lieu of the one proposed on yesterday, embo-
dies those improvements, while it retains the origi-
nal provisions, looking to the stability of our fi-
nancial system unlit a time when the sinking
fund shall be increased to an amount large enough
to anticipate the payment of the state bonds at
the periods when they shall severally become
due; after which, it requires a distribution
amongst the counties and city of Baltimore, of
the nett revenues of the public works according
to the mode provided in resolution No. 47 of the
General Assembly of December session passed
1833. It was because of the mode of distribution,
that I preferred this substitute. By the
resolution of 1833, No. 47, the whole of the nett
revenues of the internal improvements would be
distributed as follows: One half would be divi-
ded into twenty parts and given to each county
and Baltimore city equally, while the other half
would be divided between the counties and city
of Baltimore, according to their respective white
population. This would give to the counties a
larger share than they would obtain on the prin-
ciple of distribution according to taxation as pro-
posed on yesterday.
Sir, I regret the necessity for such a provision
in the Constitution as much as any gentle-
man in this Convention can, but I am not to be
swerved from a course I deem just and right, be-
cause, forsooth, it argues a want of confidence in
the Legislature of the State. This is not the
arena or the occasion for an exhibition of those
very delicate shades of refinement that forbid the
exercise of prudence on a matter of such grave
interest to the people of this State.
I heard it argued yesterday, that the Legisla-
ture had always been a safe depository of the
public trust, and might well claim our confidence
№ the future management of the finances of the
State. Sir, what some gentlemen approve) I

disapprobate, and there lies the issue. If, as it
is argued, the present financial system of the
State, will, with the aid of the sinking fund, pay
our debt in twelve years, is it not good policy, to
secure inviolate that system until the expiration
of that time? Some say the treasury will be in
a state to admit areduction in the taxes in a very
short time, and it would be hard the Legislature
should be debarred giving any relief. They would
have a reduction of five cents two years hence,
and a reduction of five more two years after that,
but they would continue the remaining fifteen
cents till 1890, to meet the payment of the last
bonds then due. I would like to know the dif-
ference in paying twenty-five cents on the $100
for twelve years, and then be entirely released
from direct taxes—and a payment, by taxation,
equal in amount but varied in rate, and inter-
spersed through a lapse of forty years. Could
we hear the response of the people of this State,
I am very sure it would be in favor of continuing
the twenty-five cent tax until the whole debt is
paid or the sinking fund increased sufficiently to
pay it when due. Not that the people love tax-
ation, but if the money must be paid, they would
sooner do it, in a reasonable time, than transmit,
with their properly to future generations, this
eternal and inalienable tax.
Continue the present tax of twenty-five cents
on the one hundred dollars until the proposed
time, and our people will pay it cheerfully, be-
cause they would the sooner be released from
taxation altogether, and the sooner share the
benefits of what they have already paid. But
adopt the other plan, and change, alter, raise and
lower the taxes, to suit the policy of every ad-
ministration, and the theory of every tyro in fi-
nance, who may hold a seat in the legislature;
and you will certainly do one of two things—you
will exasperate the public mind, by a constant
vacillation in your revenue laws, or you will
inure the whole state to a system of taxation that
is to be perpetual. I am opposed to perpetual
taxation. I never want our people to recognise
it, as the settled policy of the State, nor would I
wantonly tantalize their most ardent desires for
exemption from taxation entirely.
I well remember the struggles and remonstrances
made by the people of my county, before
yielding to the present tax laws; that county was
one of the seven referred to on yesterday, by the
gentleman from Frederick, (Mr. Thomas,) who
repudiated the justice and equity of those tax
laws, devised by, and under the administration
of Mr. Pratt.
That gentleman then held a warm place in the
affections of the people of Worcester county, but
in his fixed and steady purpose to maintain the
faith of the State, he found it necessary to re-
commend a system of tax laws, considered op-
pressive and unjust, by the people of that county,
and this caused the love of many to wax cold to-
wards him. Moved by high patriotic motives,
we yielded to the burdens of taxation, only to
throw them off at the earliest practical mo-
ment.
We have lived to see the policy of that gentleman
developing itself in a manner flattering to