spirit and teaching of that article, in our bill of
rights, which, framed in (he days of seventy-six,
and looking eminently to the "security of liberty"
and "the foundation of government," advised, in
express terms, both the freedom and frequency of
elections. No one could be more anxious than himself,
to infuse into every department of the gov-
ernment, the genuine essence of pure democracy
and perfect equality. No one recurred to the
wisdom of our revolutionary fathers, with more
unfeigned reverence and entire respect. But
why, sir, should so much stress be laid upon the
term frequent? It was not aword of isolated,
definite and precise meaning; but relative and
comparitive in its character, and evidently designed
to receive such liberal and rational inter-
pretation as the circumstances and necessities of
the limes seemed to demand. It was inserted
in the great charter of our rights, as a wise and
noble precept, and not as a rigid and unbending
rule, which despite of every change, was to tie
all future generations down to one uncompromising
line of action. The same process of reason-
ing that proved that annual sessions were nearer
to the meaning and design of the principle taught
by the article, than the biennial policy, would ap-
ply with equal force, to the adoption of semi-annual
sessions; and the argument might be con-
tinued until it became apparent to every one,
that the attempt to give to the term "frequent,"
any strict meaning, differing from that which the
reason of the times justified, was utterly and per-
fectly absurd.
The example of annual sessions, we are told,
had been established by the earliest founders of
the government. But what was their situation?
The government itself was in a sort of half chry-
salis state--just emerging from the colonial
position. The havoc of war was desolating the
whole country, and filling it with alarm and terror.
Civil discord and intestine commotion agi-
tated every section within our BORDER=0s; and our
very liberties themselves were struggling for that
triumph, which was only secured alter long years
of peril and strife. Surely if ever there was a
time when the wisdom, and virtue, and experience
of the land should be frequently assembled,
it was in that dark and dangerous hour. Then,
if ever, wise counselings were demanded—then,
in short, the crisis of the times were above all
other considerations, and reason and propriety
alike dictated the construction and the action
taken by our sires. That fearful period had for-
ever passed away, and with the exception of the
political excitement, common to our form of gov-
ernment, our good old State was now moving
with peace, plenty, and power, in her onward
destiny. With the change of events, the reasons
for annual sessions had vanished away, and no
one could entertain a doubt, but that the highest
dictates of economy, imperatively called for the
adoption of a policy warranted by the circumstances
of the times, and in direct accordance
with the popular demand. Gentlemen had
. further urged, in argument, that the biennial act
had been proposed at a time peculiar in our af-
fairs, and engrafted amid the provisions of the
Constitution, purely as a measure of saving and

economy; and they had then pointed with honest
pride to the well-filled coffers of a surplus trea-
sury, as fully justifying them in seeking to return
to that policy of which their judgments approved.
It was indeed a glorious truth, that Maryland
had emerged in full splendor, from the obscurity
that once threatened to cloud her fair fame; and
now possessed of an untarnished escutcheon, she
stood with noble presence amid the sister sove-
reigns around her. Under the guidance of &
master-hand and courageous heart, a mighty sys-
tem of revenue had been breathed into full life
and action; and the demon of repudiation re-
buked and abashed, was made to slink away from
our domain forever. The change was great and
happy—one worthy of imitation—one worthy of
all remembrance. But even in the full tide of
prosperty, we should not conceal from ourselves
the stern and stubborn fact, that a patriotic peo-
ple were still toiling manfully under the burthen
of millions. The lax collector was wandering in
every section of the land, gathering in the hard
earned and yet cheerfully paid gold, that the
honor or our State might remain unsullied with-
out blemish and without stain. Not a fraction of
the taxes had been removed, and every reason of
economy that had originated the measure of
reform and relief, still remained in full force and
vigor. Aye, the very gallantry itself, with which
the whole community, as one man, had come to
the rescue, furnished additional and powerful
motives for making the most strenuous effort to
lighten, quickly and effectually, the load so nobly
borne. He wished to see the mighty incubus of
debt, that was now depressing and weighing
down the energies of men, piss speedily off, and
he should cheerfully, eagerly aid in every and all
reforms consistent with propriety, which would
directly or remotely assist in accomplishing this
great and paramount result. With him, reform
implied economy as well as convenience; and
whatever might be the vote he was called Upon
to give, he should never depart from that principle.

Of the amendment which had just emanated
from the honorable gentleman from Queen Anne's
(Mr. Spencer,) after the remarks he had already
had the honor to submit to the Convention, it was
unnecessary for him to speak or notice, by any
other than the briefest comment. Its object and
design, as expressed directly upon its face, was
to give to the Legislature, hereafter to be assem-
bled, "the right to provide, by law, for annual
election of delegates to the General Assembly,
and for annual sessions of the Legislature, which
shall not continue in session longer than fifty
days." It appeared only to differ from other
propositions, by shifting the responsibility from
ourselves to the Legislature that might follow.
It was equally at war with the direct mandate of
the sovereign power, and equally liable to all the
difficulties and objections previously urged. We
are, or should be, as capable of making the decision,
as those who are to come after us) and
should not, by a mere change of the tribunal,
seek to avoid the judgment which we had been
emphatically ordered to give. Much had been
said in this discussion, and by gentlemen who had