The journal of Saturday was read and ap-
proved.
MR. CHANDLER, OF BALTIMORE COUNTY.
On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, it was ordered
that it be entered on the journal, that H. J.
Chandler, Esq., is detained from his seal in the
Convention, because of sickness in his family.
The PRESIDENT, pro tem., [Mr. TUCK, of Prince
George's,] called for reports from committees.
No reports were made.
Motions, resolutions, and notices were also cal-
led for.
There being no other business before the Con-
vention,
The PRESIDENT, pro tem, announced the un-
finished business of Saturday, being
THE BILL OF RIGHTS.
The Convention resumed the consideration of
the order of the day, being the report submitted
by Mr. DORSEY, on the 11th ult., as chairman of
the committee on the declaration of rights.
The pending question was on the following
amendment of Mr. DAVIS:
Insert as an additional article the following:
"The Legislature shall encourage by all suita-
ble means, associations for the diffusion of know-
ledge and virtue, for the promotion of literature,
the arts and sciences, agriculture, commerce
and manufactures, and for the general meliora-
tion of the wants and conditions of the people."
Mr. DAVIS was entitled to the floor. He said:
Mr. President: I beg leave to return my ac-
knowledgments to the Convention, for their kind
consideration in not forcing me into this debate
on Saturday, when I was physically unequal to
the task. Although still unwell, I cannot pre-
sume longer on the indulgence of this body—but
will endeavor to requite its kindness by being as
brief as possible.
Never, Mr. President, have I risen undermore
embarrassment, than on the present occasion.
An embarrassment produced, first by the variety
and importance of the questions which I have had
the honor to present—and secondly by my utter
inability to do any thing like justice to them. 1
must then claim the patient indulgence of this
body, while I present a few facts and considera-
tions in favor of the adoption of the article I have
offend.
We are assembled here, Mr. President, to
form a new Constitution—the foundation of a
Government. What is a Government? It is the
head—the common protector and defender of the
State. For its support; we surrender a portion
of our personal interest, and of our individual
rights.
If I am correct, in thus briefly defining the true
meaning of Government, that it is the common
head and protector of all classes and all interests
in the State—and that it is supported by all clas-
ses and all interests, I cannot be wrong in claim-
ing, that it shall be impartially administered, as
far as possible, for the benefit of all classes and
all interests.
Well, sir, what do we find by looking into the

past history of the State ? Why nothing but
partial legislation—profuse, wasteful, prodigal,
legislation, for some interests, while others are
almost, if not totally neglected—and in some in-
stances an indisposition even to recognize that
there is such an interest in the commonwealth.
To prove that I am correct, I shall be obliged to
refer lo past legislation, and this will bring me
in contact with the representative from the city
of Baltimore, whose opposition I regret to find I
have already encountered.
In referring to the past legislation of the State,
and tracing, as the bistory of the times, leads me
at almost every turn to the city of Baltimore, I
beg distinctly to disclaim any feeling of hostility
to that city. My associations and my connec-
tions are there—and what little of this world's
goods I possess, is mainly dependent for its value
upon her prosperity. And, sir, as a Montgomerian,
I claim that Baltimore is largely indebted to
her for her present rapidly growing prosperity.
Proud as she is, and ought to be, of her monu-
ments, whenever future generations shall decide
upon her greatest and noblest monument, her
rail road, its founder and projector will be found
to be a Montgomerian, and posterity will acknowledge
him to have been one of the greatest bene-
factors of your city. If I go into some of her
churches, adorned with skill and ornament and
convenience, and enquire into its history, I am
told, this is the munificence of a Montgomerian.
If I inspect some of your noblest warehouses, in
Market, in Hanover and in German streets, I am
told, they are the property of a Montgomerian, If
I stroll to the Park, there to admire her stately
mansions, I am told, these, that and yonder, are
all owned and built by a Montgomerian. If I go
further west, and stop to look at a large excava-
tion—with foundation walls thick and heavy, and
with strength sufficient for a massive superstruc-
ture, I am told, here too, the munificence of a
Montgomerian is conspicuous—and if I return to
the city, and begin to count your houses—to in-
spect the solid material from which they are
constructed, I am told this too gives evidence of
the skill, the industry and fidelity of a Montgomerian.
It is impossible then, with recollections
like these—with associations and ties of interest
—for me to entertain any other feeling, than that
of respect, for her people, and admiration at her
growth, her enterprise and her intelligence.
But while I cheerfully accord all this to Balti-
more, she has a quality which I feel bound to say
I cannot admire, I mean her commercial selfish-
ness—nay, sir, I may add, her political selfishness.
When I see her representatives here, seeking for
Baltimore, political, as well as commercial ag-
grandizement, at the expense of the rest of the
State, I should be false to my duty, as an humble
representative from one of the counties, if I did
not enter against it my deliberate protest.
Well, Mr. President, what do we find. I have
proposed that we shall insert an article in the
bill of rights, to encourage associations, whose ob-
ject is to advance and promote the various inter-
ests ill all classes, and of all parts of the State.
I do not propose even to exclude associations
which heretofore have been so liberally patron-