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amount Of debt which the State might choose
to incur. Still, this was not a practical difficulty
because the remedy was easy, and sure to he ap-
plied.
A few words as to the right of revolution-
There was an admirable article, (the 4th,) in the
bill of rights of the State of Maryland, (which
' Mr. D. read.) There was embodied the true
principle which lay at the foundation of all our
rights, and which constituted our true security
for the future, It was all that we wanted of the
right of revolution — more would he dangerous.
Mr. D. dwelt at some length upon the confu-
sion of terms, and consequent confusion of ideas
of those gentlemen who had spoken of all politi-
cal changes, however slight, as being revolutions
— as taking from the word "revolution," all its
true political meaning — and giving the same sig-
nificance to things that were the most ban-
eficial and the most noxious. Revolution in
physics and revolution in politics, were things
widely different in their nature. Unless the me-
thod prescribed in the Constitution was adopted,
or in case none such were provided, unless the
American doctrine of Mr. Webster were applied,
no changes in the Constitution could, in his, [Mr.
D's,] opinion be made, except there were such
a degree of oppression as would authorise a re-
sort to the right of revolution, as defined in the
fourth article of our bill of rights.
Gentleman might say, must we then suffer,
and] continue to suffer, under mis-government?
He would answer boldly, yes! so long as we
could endure it — so long as there were legal
modes of redress — so long as there was any hope
that liberty might be preserved and property pro-
tected. The regular operations of time, and oi
public opinion would effect the requisite changes.
He illustrated this point. He had been suppo-
sing, (he said,) a case where civil rights were
invaded, but where mere abstract political rights
were concerned — as, for instance, where the
right to a certain numerical proportion of rep-
pesentation was not enjoyed to the extent claim-
ed by certain parts of the State — in such a case he
clared it criminal to change or overturn the
government in a revolutionary manner. Our po-
litical rights were only valuable as they secured
to us our civil rights. And so long as our civil
rights were in no danger of invasion, there was
nothing to justify revolution. The political ob-
jects avowed here were made of undue import-
ance. He admired, the other day, the candor
of the distinguished gentleman from Frederick,
(Mr. Thomas,) formerly Governor of the State,
when he declared that this question of represen-
tation was a mere question concerning the dis-
tributionof political power, and quickly added, at
the suggestion of another gentleman, "and of of-
fice." The greater part of the people were sub-
limely indifferent to mere politics and politicians,
unless in cases where substantial rights were in-
volved. Mere politics — assuch-the^trugglewho
should have one office or who should have ano-
ther, had become offensive to the people of the
State. The true objects of reform, in his opinion,
had BO reference to mere political rights. And he
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asserted, without fear of contradiction, ftiat this
question of representation according to popula-
tion, or the right of a majority to rule, never
could have procured the call of this Convention.
If reform meant improvement, he hoped that
no gentleman had a seat in this Convention, who
was not ready to make a great many reforms ;
but this "concert of action," which had been
called for, could not be obtained by those who
arrogated to themselves exclusively the title of
reformers, and strove to inflict on others the odi-
um of being anti-reformers. In almost every
county in the State, the question of representation
according to population, was either not broach-
ed, or was disavowed; the friends of the prin-
ciple tried to avoid declaring themselves in fe-
vor of it, and put the question of a Convention
upon other grounds. They said, we must reform
the Judiciary; we must place checks upon the Le-
lature, in relation to the exercise of this or that
power; and they pointed out quite a variety of
reforms, some of them good enough, and others
from which he hoped we might be delivered.
This reform party was something like the share
which the subtle Jacob secured of his father-in-
law Laban's flocks, "ring-straked, speckled and
spotted :" it had as many colors as Joseph's coat.
There was no such thing as concert of action
among reformers. They disagreed upon every
proposition, and they ought to disagree, because
out of that conflict good might ultimately come.
If the Convention could succeed in establishing
such a system of reform as that justice, rigid,
prompt, efficient justice might be brought within
the reach of every man; if it should check the
power of the Legislature to contract debts; if it
should arrest special legislation by which gene-
ral rules and rights were disregarded for particu-
lar purposes; if it should take away from the
Legislature the power of divorce, which was
now used wantonly, recklessly, and even shame-
lessly, to cancel and tear to pieces, the bond
that made man and wife one; if it should give
to the State a substantial and well-regulated
common school system; organise the treasury
department on a proper basis, and accomplish
other objects which he detailed; if these things
should be done, and be done well, there was
no ground for apprehension that the people
would have a revolution, or even a new Conven-
tion very soon.
He pointed out briefly the evils which would
result to society from the principle contended for,
that a bare majority had a right, at any moment,
and in any way, to change their Constitution; and
said, this was in fact confounding right and pow-
er, and the practical operation of that principle
would realize with ;us a state of things graphi-
cally depicted by the great poet of the human
race — poet, historian, and prophet:
Force should be right, or rather right and wrong
(Between whose endless jar justice resides,)
Should lose their names, and so should justice
too,
Then every thing resolves itself in power,
Power into will, will into appetite,
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