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sources. He had been supposed to impute an
especial degree of corruption to the city of Balti-
more. He never had said one word like it He
regarded Baltimore precisely as he did other ci-
ties. Certainly he agreed with Mr. Jefferson
that the country air, country occupation and
country associations, are at least equally conge,
nial to the growth of pure morals and patriotism,
but he was willing to concede to Baltimore, as
much of both as to other cities.
Yet did we not all know the power of concen-
tration ? It is as operative in the political as in
the physical world — it operates every where.
What is the mighty torrent that sweeps before
it every opposing barrier? It is but the aggre-
gation of drops. There were some farmers who
heard him; they know how effectually a few in-
dividuals acting in concert could operate. The
few millers and grain buyers in the city could do
more to effect the market than all the farmers in
the country, simply because they could combine,
while these acted separately, in atoms. Every
body knew the superior power of a few disciplin-
ed soldiers over a dispersed mass of men with no
organization or concert.
But besides this, Baltimore had an interest in
every county in the State. It was the centre of
business — the heart of our trade and com merce,
and its pulsations were felt through every artery,
tendon, muscle and nerve, of the whole body of
the people. She had never earnestly desired any
thing without getting it. Delegates from all
parts of the State were to gome extent, delegates
for the city. To ask for a representation then
rateably, one for every five, six or seven thou-
sand, is idle. No one here can expect it. Even
the gentleman from Frederick, (Mr. Thoma?,)
proposes a limitation in the way of equal dis-
tricts — a limitation as he, (Mr. T.,) regards it,
not as regarded by him, (Mr. C.) Why then
was he less orthodox than otners, who were al-
lowed to be good reformers, yet insisted on a
limit.9
To enable gentlemen to submit their several
views, and thus place the House in a condition
to act intelligently, and also to gratify a request
made liy a gentleman from Frederick, (Mr.
Johnson,) he would conclude by moving that the
House now resolve itself into a committee of the
whole.
Mr. SPENCER said the committee on represen-
tation had reported to the Convention on the 11th
of December,
1st, " That it is inexpedient te regard federal
numbers in fixing the estimates and basis of rep-
resentation in the House of Delegates ;'' and,
2nd, " That it is inexpedient to adopt a princi-
ple of representation based exclusively upon
popular numbers, in organizing the House of Dele-
gates or the Senate."
He had great objection to receiving such a re-
port. It was not consistent with the duty for
which the committee was appointed. It was the
purpose and design of this Convention, in appoint-
ing the committees, to expedite its business by
reports in full from them, in the form of articles
to be incorporated in the Constitution. And il
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we depart from the purpose contemplated, we
shall be greatly delayed in our proceedings. He
had, therefore, moved that the report be re-com-
mitted to the Committee. That proposition had
been rejected. He then moved to re-commit it
" with instructions to report a basis of represen-
tation on some fair principle of compromise. "
To this, the gentleman from Kent, (Mr. CHAM-
BERS,) offered the following as an amendment :
" In such manner, that the city of Baltimore
shall be entitled to the same number of represen-
tatives in the House of Delegates as may be al-
lowed to the largest county in the State.''
That honorable member had given to the Con-
vention the reasons which induced him to offer
an amendment which entirely excludes the city
of Baltimore from all participation in the com-
promise of this agitating and exciting question.
Mr. CHAMBERS explained his amendment.
Mr. SFENCEK resumed. The gentleman was
from one of the smaller counties, and his voice
had announced that the largest portion of the
State, in numbers and in wealth, in the adjust-
ment of a question so vital as the one under con-
sideration, was not to be heard. The counties
from the mountains to the sea were to compro-
mise this matter, and then arbitrarily say to Bal-
timore, " we will allow you what we choose and
no more." He, Mr. SPENCER, was also from a
small county, contiguous to the county of the
gentleman, and in response, he desired to say,
that he was for compromising with each and eve-
ry portion of the State. Not with one part to
the exclusion of the other; but with each and all.
Situated as Baltimore was — a large and increa-
sing city, in a very small State — self-defence
made it necessary for the counties to resist re-
presentation based on population exclusively. But
as this is denied to Baltimore, who claims it, the
question must be compromised with her, and as
far as can be done, an equivalent ought to be
given to her.
He deprecated delay. He knew that efforts
were being made to render this Convention odious,
and he had no doubt if the resolutions, as report-
ed by the committee, were passed without any
qualification, they would tend to produce popular
excitement. There are two great parties here ;
one representing the interest of Baltimore; the
other, the smaller counties. Every candid mind
must admit that neither extreme will prevail.
His proposition would show that there existed in
this body a spirit of compromise under which we
could all fraternize, and the question be settled
with harmony.
To his regret, the gentleman from Kent, had
offered his amendment, which, while we are
striving to cultivate a spirit of concession and
concord, throws Baltimore off altogether. His
objection to giving her a representation greater
than the largest county, is on account of her
concentrated position. We must all admit the
commanding position which her concentrated
power gives her, and he was unwilling to let the
smaller counties be over-ridden by that great
city. But at the same time it is right to say, that
whilst we withhold from her the application of
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