suited. One took place on the east face of South Mountain, September
14, 1862, when the Union armies stopped those of the Confederacy that
were driving toward Washington. This resulted in the awful action at
Antietam three days later, when the earth of our peace-seeking State
was drenched with an out-pouring of blood, the memory of which is still
inseparable from the place, even after a full century. And finally, on
July 9, 1864, there was the battle of Monocacy, when a delaying action,
fought on Maryland soil, once again saved the United States capital
from what might have been a victorious Confederate attack.

Maryland soldiers fought in all these engagements, as in many others
throughout the course of the war. They fought on both sides. The
citizens of our State, acting as individuals, took the course dictated by
their principles and emotions, as did the citizens of all the states con-
cerned. But, since we were so accustomed to seeing both sides of all
questions, we suffered spiritually from our emotional conflicts, just as we
suffered physically from having given the nation its capital. So it is in
war, which knows no rule except expedience. War is no respecter of
morality.

We suffered spiritually from our open-mindedness—yes. We were
divided in commitments and divided in the most painful manner. Our
State did not break into two territorial parts, as did Virginia. With us
the breakage passed through vital feelings, through friendships and
families. We had the bitter consequence of brother fighting brother. By
about three to one, however, our citizens upheld the General Assembly's
view that Maryland should not leave the great federal union. Official
figures credit us with 62, 959 men in the Union forces, army and navy,
while an admittedly incomplete count of confederate units shows about
22, 000 fighting there.

And why? We may well ask ourselves. What were the causes of this
desperate war that so blinded the American people to their own high
principles? History tells us that they were a complication of factors,
involving philosophies of government. Popular belief tells us only about
one—slavery. History is right, but popular belief prevails. And, of
course, philosophies are pale mental concepts, while slavery was a burn-
ing human wrong. It has been easier to remember and to understand
this wrong. But it was not the whole cause of the American Civil War.

Because it has filled so conspicuous a place in the general belief, how-
ever, I shall for a moment ask you to trace with me the attitudes of our
own State toward the institution. Here are a few relevant facts:

As early as 1787, Maryland's Luther Martin, at the Constitutional

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