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There never yet had been an hour when this power was
more desirable, now when the voice of passion raged so
high. He wanted this power for the benefit of the people,
to save them from oppression. It is the sheet-anchor at
this hour of the rights of the people. A fanatical Con-
gress passed law after law, and the vetoes of President
Johnson, from his high citadel of constitutional liberty,
were interposed, so as to produce an impression even on
the fanaticism itself. Those State papers will yet proclaim
in trumpet tones the resurrection of liberty. He hoped
this amendment would be voted down, and that almost
unanimity would be required to override the veto.
Mr. McKaig was in favor of the veto power, not be-
cause Alexander Hamilton had written in favor of it in
The Federalist, but because he looked at it in a common-
sense view. We were to have universal suffrage, that is,
negro suffrage, and the consequence will be that we will
not have as good men in office or as good legislators as in
the old times. The people are very much demoralized—
they want office, whether they are fit for it or not. The
way to arrest hasty legislation, then, is to interpose this
veto power.
Mr. Farnandis did not think that it was necessary in
our case to give the veto power to the Governor. Every
one recognized the beneficent effects of the veto power
in the general government, but no one could assert that
the necessity existed for it here. The reasons set forth
why the veto power should be possessed are to prevent
the Legislature from encroaching on the Executive, and
the dangers of hasty legislation. As to the first, no in-
stance could be cited in the history of Maryland where
either one or the other department attempted to encroach
on the other. As to hasty legislation, guards had already
been placed. It required a majority of all the members
elected to pass a law, and this was the case in many of
the other States. When the veto power was first bestowed,
a bare majority of the members present was sufficient te
pass any measure. The people of Maryland had never
known this principle; it was a new matter in their legis-
lation.
This Convention was not here to make a constitution
for itself, but for the people, and the feelings and even the
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