Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 81
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 81
   Enlarge and print image (63K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
81 promoting the notion that the growth of Black capitalism as good for the whole . 71 community.' *• On the other end of the social spectrum, the weight of the Black working class and the vitality of the Black trade union movement made it impossible to ignore in the Black freedom movement. Black workers, however, were not members of the main Black freedom organizations (other than the Black trade unions) at the end of the 1920s. Even the main mass organizations of the movement, such as the NAACP or the Women's Cooperative League, had small memberships. Also, unlike in the late 19th century, Black labor leaders were not regularly a part of the leadership groupings for community wide campaigns. Nevertheless, the particular interests of Black workers were registered, at least in a secondary way, in the ideology and programs of the Baltimore Black freedom movement: the Afro's 1 points is the best example. Moreover, the fact that the Association for the Promotion of Negro Business, the prototypical advocacy organization of the Black bourgeoisie, supported the unionization of Black workers and claimed to actively aid trade union organizing indicates the weakness of this bourgeoisie and the social weight of the Black proletariat. But the real center of gravity within the movement leadership was the teachers, the lawyers, the social workers, the ministers, the doctors of the administrative petty bourgeoisie. This social group provided the majority of the leadership and the active membership of the freedom movement prior to the Depression, again excepting the Black unions. The political culture and strategies of the Baltimore freedom movement were deeply marked by the interests and proclivities of this group: the emphasis on winning middle-class jobs for Blacks from the government rather than, say, working class jobs in industry; the overwhelming concern for education; the faith in social work/social engineering solutions or, conversely, in litigation. To be clear, none of these emphases were typical of only the administrative petty bourgeoisie or exclusively in its interest; all