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| 41 COMMUNISM IN LABOR Peter Cacchione, and Michael Quill). Bella Dodd was particularly unabashed in her support for "Mike", the only one of the three who does not acknowledge membership in the Communist Party. All this is significant because of the balance of power tactics used by the Party. The 25;000 Nev; York Communists, with their families and others under their influence, are probably a minority in the American Labor Party. Being organized, however, they control the ALP. The AIP in turn probably can swing the balance between the Democratic and the Republican parties where there is a close contest in the city and in the state. This gives it strong bargaining power with both groups. Finally, so great is the political influence of New York State, that it is unlikely that any candidate or policy offensive to New York would be chosen', in a national election. All these possibilities assume complete effectiveness of a balance of power program. It is unlikely that such perfect balance will be always present. Nor is such an ideal situation completely duplicated elsewhere, although in many industrial states the labor vote can be decisive. But the reality of such situations indicates the possibilities of extending Communist power in a manner not indicated by the mere counting of numbers. The World Federation of Trade Unions* The WFTU might be called an international PAC* In fact, in several speeches abroad Sidney Hillman and Reid Robinson frequently made such a parallel. The same comparison also applies to the problems presented by this Report. There are similar con- troversies over the origin, program, and control of the WFTO. On the one hand, it is clear that the CIO felt keenly its exclusion from the previous international labor bodies, which admitted only the more representative union from each nation. The International Labor Organization and the International Federation of Trade Unions invited only the A.F. of L. to represent the United States* It was only natural then that the C.I.O would sponsor a new organ- ization which would be more widely representative* On the other hand, the Soviet Union was completely excluded from the same organizations, and likewise desired a medium to express itself on international labor matters* It too was equally desirous of promoting some group to replace the defunct Red International of labor, the Prof intern* Henfie with both groups having equally understandable reasons for wishing a new world labor organization, there is bound to be confusion as to who is to profit the more* The same division applies within the United States* While Murray and the right-wing group were legitimately active in promoting a new world labor ' group, the Communists acted as if it were their idea. Thus, in September 1944 r the National Committee met to decide upon the advisability of a world congress of labor* Browder reported that the C.I.O. would go along, but that the A, F* of L, objected to Soviet participation. Subsequently it wa« reported in the New Leader for Nov. 25, 1944 that an official of the Foreign Economic Administration, stationed in Londoh, was endeavoring to twist American policy into supporting such a group. This official pushed only Communist trade unions, and aided David Afrom to infiltrate the International Labor Organiza- tion in a key section dealing with world labor bodies* Finally, in a closed Communist meeting, a high official stated, according to our usual trade union informant, that the "World Trade Union Congress" is to unite workers political- ly, with the Soviet Union at the lead* He felt that most delegations would follow such a plan and that dissidents would drop out, leaving the new |