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| 39 COMMUNISM IN LABOR controversy which cannot be solved by facilities at the disposal of this investigator. Sources close to Philip Murray report that he originated the idea and delegated to Hillman the carrying out of the program. On the other hand, trade union informants close to Earl Browder state that some months prior to the formation of PAC, he initiated a discussion as to the advis- ability of an organization of this ncture. Actually the question of origin is quite secondary, and is mentioned only to indicate how thoroughly con- troversial is the subject* On the subject of control of PAC, the fight is really joined. Those who claim that there was no Communist control of PAC argue that the top C.I«0« has the final say in policy matters and that it is not Communist dominated. They further argue, correctly, that Sidney Hillman is not a Communist, but that on the contrary he has often clashed violently with them. A final point is that the P^c program was one which could be accepted freely by non-Communist groups. The conclusion reached was that the PAC functioned as an agency to educate workers and to get out the vote. Incidentally, it might be noted that several of the excerpts from Catholic publications quoted as favoring PAC were dealing with the theory of PAC or with the charge that Hillman was a Communist. They were not necessarily endorsements of the entire agency and its actions as it appeared at election time* Those who alleged Communist control of PAC argued that the top C.I.O* officialdom did not in fact exercise detailed scrutiny over PACTs actions,, but rather that most decisions were left to Mr. Hillman. Hillman in turn, it is reliably reported from a trade union source, was profoundly influenced by the judgment of Mr.. John Abt/ his counsel and a very able Communist, This same source, who has access to top Communist officialdom, reports that such officials as Browder, Green, Williamson, and Hudson met regularly with Abt to give him orders on the conduct of PAC, Browder, reporting these week- end meetings, deplored the fact that Abt was stubborn at times and only yielded after prolonged argument. That Hillman accepted this advice was evident on i:any occasions, particularly when he turned the New York American Labor Party to the Communists, and attempted to turn the Detroit PAC over to a united front group which would include heavy Communist representation. In addition to such influence at the top, Communist control extended into the lower levels. In such c it fees as New York, Cleveland, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle, and Baltimore there was Communist control with a certain amount of right-wing windov; dressing.- In Chicago, Erie, and Duluth there was heavy Communist infiltration, without control. On the very lowest levels, where the "leg work" was done, Communists tended to monopolize the pamphlet passing and doorbell ringing in every city, save Detroit, where they were strong. These were the people who interpreted and applied the program which many found unexceptionable.. Incidentally, in regard to this program, many of the tests applied to public officials (vote on the poll tax, Dies Committee, etc.), were only indirectly connected with labor problems, al- though a good case could be made for their legitimacy. Finally, in regard to Hillman himself, it is argued that he is an opportunist and that for the moment he feels it is to his advantage 'to work closely with the Communists. With the new militancy in the Communist Line and its ever-greater orientation towards foreign problems, it is likely that the Communist hand in PAC will reveal itself more closely in the future. If possible, of course, |