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| 31 CHAPTER III CQLHIUlIISIi III TED LABOR HCVSISET The discussion of Communism in the labor movement is undoubtedly the most difficult phase of the entire problem. Ilore than in any other field, emotions and prejudices are likely to be aroused. There" is little possibility of universal agreement either as to facts or the interpretation of these facts. Sometimes, as will be noted later, it is possible to obtain apparently conflicting facts on the same question from sources which are thoroughly reliable -and sincere. The material presented here was obtained from observation of the Communist press, from officials high and low in all branches of the labor movement, from Government conciliators, and finally from certain .confidential trade union sources which had access to inner Communist councilsf Aims. From the Communist point of vie-.:, there are a number of objec- tives to be sought in the labor movement. One long-range, ultimate aim would be the control of industries strategic for general strikes and revolutions. In all countries, Communists are ordered to seize control in transportation and basic industries. There are many important gaps in this pattern of control for the United States; as will be seen later when specific unions are discussed. Thus,'for example, their strength is negligible in the coal and railroad fields, provinces v/hich would be important for any ultimate revolutionary aim. Likewise, they have no foothold with the telephone workers, the most important branch of communications. In fact, the recent telephone strike was in protest against a provisional decision of a HI£B trial examiner, favorinc the Communist-demonated United Electrical T/orkers, C.I.O. Thus, as of mid~0ctober 1945, the strike wave which is causing concern is as often centered in anti-Communist unions as those dominated by the Party. One of the more immediate objectives of Communists in regard to the labor movement is the seizure of control of local and national unions for the purpose of propaganda and the plundering of union funds. Every effort is made to obtain strategic positions, such as educational director, legislative director, and other positions which permit influencing members or the public. If a local or national unit it, completely controlled, it is possible to place Communist functionaries on the payroll. They are thus paid for nominal services, while devoting full time to Party work. The Union telephone is used for toll calls, its mimeographing facilities for the issuance of pro- paganda, and its funds are appropriated for donations to front organizations. The propaganda objective explains the Communist penchant for seizing control of city and state labor legislative bodies (industrial union councils). Such groups are valuable for publicizing issues of the moment for and pressuring legislatures. At this moment, a major Communist objective in labor is the obtaining of complete control over national and international labor political action.° Thus, they wish to have at their disposal the Political Action Comnittee of the CIO (PAC) and the j'orld Federation of Trade Unions (WTU). T/hile there is considerable controversy .over the actuality of their control at the'present time, there is no question about their desires in the matter. To them, these organizations would be ideal weapons for influencing governments. |