Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 487
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 487
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487 (11) See discussion of the trade union movement below. (12) See discussion of the trade union movement below. (13) See discussion of the trade union movement below. (14) See the discussion of the trade union movement below and the discussion of the Buy Where You Can Work campaign in chapter 7. (15) Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital, chapter 15. (16) Also nearly 2/3s of the clerical workers were listed as "other," suggesting that they were in something other than easily-defined traditional clerical positions. (17) Lois Rita Helmbold, "Making Changes, Making Do: Black and White Working Class Women's Lives during the Depression," (Ph.D., 1983), 289ff. (18) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States; Population (1930), volume 4f 661-665. (19) Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital', chapters 15-16. (20) The high proportion of skilled women in clothing is somewhat misleading, for within the skilled ranks women provided 99.8% of the dressmakers and seamstresses but only 17.8 % of the tailors and (in the quaint terminology of the day) "tailoresses." This indicates that men strongly dominated the upper levels of this industry, for tailors often directed the work of dressmakers and seamstresses, who had little real control over their work process. Also, it is important to note that degradation of the work of women tailors was a major trend from at least the 1890s; see Sherry H. Olson, Baltimore: Tlie Building of an American City (Baltimore: 1980), 230. (21) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States; Population (1930), volume 4,661-665. (22) See the discussion of ethnicity and the color bar in chapter 3 above. (23) The Fifteenth Census does not distinguish U.S.-born from foreign-born Blacks. (24) Foreign-born whites represented only a small portion of the white ethnic- immigrant population of Baltimore in 1930 - a population typically comprised of two- or three- generations. However, table 4 uses figures for the foreign-bora whites instead of, say, figures for foreign-bora and whites with one foreign bora parent, because the former figures would tend to exaggerate divergences between European ethnicities and "native" Americans in the job market, thus making them impossible to ignore. (25) It should be noted that, as has often been the case, Blacks were probably