Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 445
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 445
   Enlarge and print image (64K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
445 Chevrolet scroll contained the signatures of 1,200 Chevrolet workers and the Fisher Body scroll contained the signatures of 1,264 Fisher Body workers. At the Chevrolet factory, plant manager H. F. Howard, all aflutter over this "spontaneous" expression of affection, denounced the outside agitators that were trying to ferret their way into the plant and (getting a bit carried away with emotion) proclaimed, To hell with this small group that want to keep men out of their jobs."^^ The UAW organizers drew the obvious conclusions. James Blackwell condemned the meetings and scrolls as the product of management manipulation and asserted that the signatures on the scrolls were obtained under pressure. Backed by a committee of thirty-five UAW members from the plants, Blackwell challenged the management to allow a secret ballot under independent auspices to determine whether or not the employees really agreed with the sentiments on the scrolls. Naturally, GM ignored Blackwell's challenge. Ten days later, as layoffs began at the Baltimore plants for lack of parts due to strikes against GM in other cities, an anti-strike movement appeared among Fisher Body and Chevrolet workers. Led by James T. Johnson, a mechanic in Chevrolet, several large meetings of GM employees were held (one drew 2300 workers according to the 5u/i), UAW workers were ejected from the plant, and plans were laid to march on Washington, D.C., to protest the national UAW strike by sitting down in government offices. To counter the anti-strike movement, the UAW called a mass meeting to hear national UAW president Homer Martin speak. Only 43 workers showed up, while Martin, at the last minute, had to cancel his speech.^ The march on Washington never took place. While the Baltimore GM plants had to shut completely at the end of January, by the third week of February, with a national strike settlement in the offing, the Baltimore plants were back in production. Also during the third week of February, the LaFollctte Civil Liberties Committee of the U.S. Senate was uncovering some interesting facts about the Baltimore GM anti-strike movement. Testimony before the committee revealed