Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 400
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 400
   Enlarge and print image (61K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
400 from backing Call a way's efforts. In late February 1938, graduation services were held for the first 183 men and women to complete Callaway's school with a series speeches by dignitaries including the governor, the police commissioner, several judges (among them Judge Joseph Ulman of the Urban League), the Grand Exalted Ruler of the Elks; Rev. C.C. Ferguson of Bethel AME Church gave the benediction and the City-Wide Young People's Forum Trio sang. In July, three of the graduates, all men this time, joined the police force. Further progress was long in coming, for it was September 1942 before a fifth Black police officer was appointed. And at this time the advisability of allowing Black police to wear uniforms and to cany weapons was still being debated in city government. The coalition campaign for more Black police, therefore continued fitfully for years with the NAACP playing an eve more central role; by March 1943, the NAACP was itself sponsoring a training school for police candidates. Another issue that attracted some attention toward the end of the era under consideration was the segregation of municipal golf courses. The local NAACP was only peripherally involved in this controversy, yet the battle and the character of the NAACP's marginal involvement tells something about both the NAACP and the Black freedom movement in Baltimore of that time. The Jim Crow golf course controversy first flared in August 1934, when Edward Lewis and the Baltimore Urban League, responding to the complaints of Black golfers, threatened to go to court to integrate all the city's public golf courses. In response, the Park Board declared the nine-hole Cairo 11 Park Golf Course located in overwhelmingly white southeastern Baltimore a Blacks-only course; the other three city courses (all containing 18-holes) were reserved for whites. Immediately there was an outcry from white politicians and white residents in southeast Baltimore. Clarence Mitchell covered the protests for the Afro and later noted how white city councilmen cynically used racism to manipulate the poor white working-class residents against the Black golfers. Mitchell also recalled that,