Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 362
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 362
   Enlarge and print image (60K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
362 Jackson MitchelFs words, part of the "most privileged group of Blacks" in the city. Nonetheless, according to his own later oral history, he was back in depression- bound Baltimore because he had no money to go to graduate school. He was, though, hoping to get into a local school, and he and Marshall and everyone else involved thought he would be a excellent test applicant to the University of Maryland Law School. But before the process could get started another glitch appeared, when the Black social fraternity, Alpha Phi Alpha made it know that it wanted to challenge the segregation of the law school using Murray's application as a test case. A controversy ensued between the NAACP and Alpha Phi Alpha that was eventually settled in the NAACP's favor. Murray applied to the law school, 7Q was summarily turned down, and the legal struggle commenced. The story of the Murray case has been told in some detail elsewhere and need not only be summarized here. The NAACP team of Houston, Marshall, and Baltimore attorney and Forum legal advisor, W.A.C. Hughes, carefully prepared Murray's case against the state. The state, on the other hand, put forward claims that it complied with the "separate but equal" doctrine for the legal training of Blacks by various means, such as a scholarship fund for out-of-state education (which, it failed to mentioned, had no money in it). The state and the university also dragged their heels in the courts to delay the proceedings and simultaneously attempted to use public opinion as a weapon in the case by publicly claiming that admission of Blacks would ruin the university's academic and financial standing, would cause a mass exodus of white students, and might result in riots. Houston and his forces, also mindful of public opinion, publicized their arguments in the case, especially through the institutions of the freedom movement and the Black community. The Afro, of course, gave front-page coverage to every development in the case. And some allies in the white mainstream press emerged, including H.L. Mencken and Gerald Johnson, who, in their contrasting styles, respectively