Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 356
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 356
   Enlarge and print image (62K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
356 changing, and the thrust toward nationally-coordinated unemployed work predominated increasingly over interest in building broader and broader coalitions between social movements locally, and in finding a political form to encompass the radical elements among the leaderships of these social movements. By the end of 1935 the PUL was responding more and more to the national agenda of the WAA, as its work turned more and more toward organizing Works Progress Administration (WPA) workers. In the fall of 1936, WPA administrator Aubrey Williams recognized the Workers' Alliance as the collective bargaining agent for WPA workers throughout the country, significantly strengthening the national structure of the organization. Jo Anne Argersinger has written that "Federal recognition of the alliance enhanced the local power of the PUL." That is undoubtedly true, but it was also true that by fall 1936 the PUL was more than ever before openly defining itself as a chapter of the WAA.*9 Roy Rosenzweig, following Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, has argued that the increasing nationalization of the SP-led unemployed movement led to a reduction of its locally-based mass activism. The defuse and diverse locally-based, unemployed movement built by Socialist activists between 1932 and 1935 lost much of its early vitality as it trod a path from local insurgency to national responsibility. ... Why this transformation? ... In part, the explanation is internal: the process of nationalization and centralization of the unemployed movement led to a loss of the earlier spontaneous insurgency. Moreover, Rosenzwieg argues, the expansion of the New Deal relief apparatus and the growing dominance of Popular Front ideology in the mass movements acted as dampers on local activism.^" Jo Anne Argersinger has raised some disagreements with Rosenzwieg and with Fox and Piven ("scholars focusing on the national level," as she refers to them) on these points, at least as far as the PUL in Baltimore is concerned. Argersinger argues that The league never lost sight of itself as a community organization; certainly it never made the transition from a social action group to a social planning