Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 263
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 263
   Enlarge and print image (61K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
263 about the relationship of the SP to this community need to be made at the outset. First, unlike the Communist Party in Baltimore, the SP as an organization showed very little interest in anti-racist struggle or in the African American community. The 1930 election platform of the Socialist Party of Maryland did not even mention Black Americans or their needs. Furthermore, while the party had members and an identifiable periphery in several white working-class communities and among the social liberals, there were no Black Socialists active in this city as late as March 1934 (and probably none throughout the 1930s) and the party's following among African Americans prior to 1933 was minimal to non-existent. This gap in program and following was not, of course, a failing of Baltimore Socialists alone, but an endemic weakness in national party program and practice extending back to the time of Debs. Hence, the contacts that Baltimore Socialists did have with the Black community were not the results of party practice or policy. * Secondly, many of the prominent white social liberals with whom the party had contacts, and who supported PUL, did have connections with the Baltimore African American community, often through the Baltimore Urban League. Rev. Peter Ainslie, for example, was a founder of the Urban League in the city. By the early 1930s, Sidney Hollander was the Urban League's president. Rabbi Edward Israel was involved in interracial activities in the Black community through the Urban League, as well as through the NAACP. And A.E.O. Munsell provided financial backing for the City-Wide Young People's Forum and for the extensive 1934 Urban League study of the African American community in the city as well as for the PUL. The Urban League itself, of course, was an almost prototypically Progressive organization with its faith in social work as the key to Black progress. However important these indirect links to the Black community through certain social liberals were, and despite the lack of emphasis on Black freedom by