Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 219
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 219
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219 Avenue, they had these stalls, and they wouldn't hire us, except for cleaning up and just menial work."17 The problem was compounded by the fact that Black-owned stores in the Black community were vastly outnumbered by white-owned stores. The Afro found in 1931 that Black-owned clothing stores were outnumbered seven to one, shoe- menders two to one, confectioners five to one, grocery stores thirteen to one, and eating establishments two to one; there were no Black-owned hardware stores. And as Ira De A. Reid pointed out in his 1934 study, "Baltimore, the fourth largest center of Negro population in the United States, ranked ninth in the number of retail stores under Negro proprietorship."*** Moreover, the idea of boycotting white-owned stores to obtain Black jobs was not unknown in Baltimore. Despite the weakness of Black nationalism in Baltimore and despite the controversy surrounding the tactic in the national mainstream of the Black freedom movement, job boycotting of white stores had been advocated in this city for sometime by well-known elements in the freedom movement. Even the Urban League, at its annual meeting in 1930, had made the boycott of white businesses that refused to hire Blacks one of its major strategic plans for the year. Not surprisingly, the Urban League was unwilling to picket, and its campaign went nowhere. In frustration, the Afro editorialized under the headline "Don't Spend Your Money Where You Can't Work" in January 1931 that the community ought to "prod its Urban League and affiliated agencies into a campaign to have these neighborhood stores employ colored girls and boys as clerks, deliverymen, and managers." Nine months later the Afro was more militant: We are supporting a Woman's Civic League, a Baltimore Branch of the Urban League and a Baltimore branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. They cannot justify their existence if Baltimore taxpayers must continue to spend money where they cannot work. Consequently, because of the boycott tactic had been sanctioned by the local Urban