60	SLAVERY & ABOLITION

Revolution, translated by Elborg Forster (Cambridge, 1981 [1978]), pp.25-6, 68-70.

59. Harper, Observations of the Dispute between the United States and France, 4th ed. (London,
1798), pp.5-6.

60. Frederick Jackson Turner (ed.), 'Correspondence of the French Ministers to the United
States, 1791-1797', Annual Report of the American Historical Association (Washington,
1904), 2: pp.245-6; Harry Ammon, The Genet Mission (New York, 1973), pp.121-2; and
Jordan, p.381. The quotation translates: 'hardly had the revolution in Saint Domingue spread
terror amongst the slaveowners'.

61. According to the authors of this article, 'The men really dangerous to you, are the emigrants
from the colonies, who refusing to submit to law, have formed themselves into various fac-
tions, who have dared to arm their slaves, and to plunge their country into anarchy'.
Interestingly, the word 'terror' is used to describe both the 'disasters' in Saint Domingue and
the violence in France. This rhetorical connection may have further encouraged Marylanders
to envision the events as being intricately connected. The Baltimore Daily Intelligencer, 4
December 1793.

62. See Alfred N. Hunt, Haiti's Influence on Antebellum America: Slumbering Volcano in the
Caribbean (Baton Rouge, 1988), p.45; Walter Charlton Hartridge, 'The Refugees from the
Island of St. Domingo in Maryland', Maryland Historical Magazine 38 (June 1943),
pp. 103-7; Jordan, p.380; Jefferson to James Monroe, 14 July 1793, in Paul L. Ford (ed.), The
Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 10 vols. (New York, 1892-9), 6: pp.346-50; and Michael H.
Hunt, Ideology and U. S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, 1987), p. 100.

63. David Geggus estimates that by 1795 nearly 12,000 slaves had been brought from Saint
Domingue to the United States. See Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution: The British
Occupation of Saint Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), p.305; Hartridge, p.107; and
Alfred Hunt, p. 109. In Maryland slaves from Saint Domingue who were illegally imported
were instantly emancipated. See the case of Boisneufv. Lewis (1799). Harris and McHenry,
pp.414-15. In 1797 the mayor of Baltimore was authorized to arrest and deport 'any negro
or mulatto French slave' whom he deemed dangerous. Virgil Maxcy, The Laws of Maryland
(Baltimore, 1811), 2: pp.395-6.

64. Henry was Governor of Maryland from 1797 to 1798. His letter is undated but was proba-
bly written shortly before this time when Henry was serving in the US Senate. See Henry to
Wm. Vans Murray, in J. Winfield Henry, Letters and Papers of Governor John Henry of
Maryland (Baltimore, 1904), pp.25-8.

65. Geggus, 'Racial Equality, Slavery, and Colonial Secession during the Constituent
Assembly', American Historical Review 94 (Dec. 1989), pp. 1290-1308; Davis, The Problem
of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, pp.94-100; Jordan, p.384; and Robin Blackburn, The
Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848 (London, 1988), p.173.

66. [Annapolis] The Maryland Gazette, 27 April 1797.

67. See Lester Smith Brooks, 'Sentinels of Federalism: Rhetoric and Ideology of the Federalist
Party in Maryland, 1800-1815', (Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Michigan,
1985), p.77; Thomas J. Scharf, History of Maryland (Halsboro, 1879), 3: p.308.

68. Jefferson to St. George Tucker, 28 August 1797, in Ford (ed.), Writings, 1: pp.167-9. See
also note 54. Michael Zuckerman has recently argued that American responses to the revo-
lution in St. Domingue demonstrate that the Federalists, not the Republicans, 'held far more
closely to the faith of the founders'. Like many other historians, Zuckerman fails to distin-
guish between Northern and Southern variations of Federalism. The case of Mahoney v.
Ashton makes clear that in Maryland it was Federalists like Martin, Harper and Carroll who
were 'unable to embrace in practice the Revolutionary rights they enshrined in principle'.
Indeed, many of the state's leading Republicans were merchants, who profited greatly from
Haitian independence. Some went so far as to join the Maryland Abolition Society, a group
that mysteriously disappeared in 1798 amidst increasing hostility toward its existence. See
Zuckerman, 'The Power of Blackness: Thomas Jefferson and the Revolution in St.
Domingue', Almost Chosen People: Oblique Biographies in the American Grain (Berkeley,
1993), pp. 175-218, quotations on pp.185. 195; Donald R. Hickey, 'America's Response to
the Slave Revolt in Haiti, 1791-1806', Journal of the Early Republic 2 (Winter 1982),