Gibson/Papenfuse
Race and the Law in Maryland

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Gibson/Papenfuse
Race and the Law in Maryland

Image No: 287   Enlarge and print image (47K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>

42 SLAVERY & ABOLITION upon the soil of England'. As Thomas Jennings explained to the court: No matter what may have been the condition of Joice previous to her being in England, the moment she arrived there she was free; at least she was so far so that her issue born afterwards were in no degree bound to the service of her master. To support such assertions, the counsels for the petitioner cited numerous British precedents. The earliest were Smith v. Brown & Cooper (1701) and Smith v. Gould (1705). In the former case Chief Justice John Holt declared, 'As soon as a negro comes into England he is free'. In the latter he added, 'The common law takes no notice of negroes being different from other men....There is no such thing as a slave by the laws of England'.21 Ashton's lawyers countered that Holt's rulings were 'mere dictum...not entitled to the weight of authority more than the opinion of a single judge' ,n In their minds Attorney General Philip Yorke and Solicitor General Charles Talbot far more accurately reflected the nature and feelings of English soci- ety.23 After dinner one night in 1729, Yorke and Talbot argued that slaves 'did not become free' when brought into England. Twenty years later, Yorke (then Lord Chancellor Hardwicke) affirmed his earlier position, ruling in the case of Pearne v. Lisle that slaves, 'like stock on a farm', remained property no matter where they were transported.24 In addition to Holt's rulings, Mahoney's lawyers also referred to the writ- ings of William Blackstone, whose Commentaries on the Laws of England was regarded as the principal source-book on British common law.25 In 1765 Blackstone wrote: This spirit of liberty is so deeply implanted in our constitution, and root- ed even in our soil, that a slave or a negro, the moment he lands in England, falls under the protection of the laws, and so far becomes a freeman. In later editions he added this phrase: 'though the master's right to his services may possibly still continue'.26 Ridgely quoted the revised passage to the jury but insisted that Lord Baltimore's right to Joice's 'perpetual services' did not extend to her progeny. Martin retorted that Blackstone's writings on slavery were 'absurd'. In his estimation the laws of Maryland, not those of England, governed the status of Joice's children.27 Nonetheless, the British precedent which most influenced the second trial of Mahoney v. Ashton was Lord Mansfield's judgment in Somerset v. Stewart (1772). As Justice Chase explained to the jury, 'The court in this case had all the law before them, and after full consideration of it, and after paying due