Chapter 3
 

I. Begins with the burial of the Fee proclamation in 1770; Paca, Mathias Hammond election to House of Delegates. Empahsis on the change that took place in the minds of people. Quotes liturgy for the Document "it is wished, that all similar attempts against the rights of a free people may meet with equal abhorrence; and that the court party, convinced by experience of the impotency of their interest, may never hereafter disturb the peace of the city by their vain and feeble exertions to bear down the free and independent citizens." (84-85)
 

[misses the point that while political opposition was fostered by the relationship with Britain (stamp act) and with the proprietor's representative (fee issue), this does not equate with open rebellion. Indeed, the concept of the loyal opposition is a very real one in which only the most extremely stupid of political acts is met with a show of force. It could be argued that the development of a court/country affiliation among legislators in which the issue was not so much who should govern, but how the spoils of government should be divided, was paramount. The issue of the fee controversy was an issue of long standing tradition being attacked by a new governor. See Daniel Dulany's legal opinion. The right might be there, but practice (meaning action of the General Assembly) has rendered it inert. Marylanders were reluctant revolutionaries. Once stirred to action, they did move rapidly in the direction of articulating radical reform, but always fell far short of their words.]
 

II. notes Maryland's dependency on mother England. (85); notes transportation of convicts (1717), in half century after, "more than ten thousand British vagabonds, thieves, and cutthroats made their way to Maryland as laborers who during their sentences could be bought and sold as indentured servants." (86) (by 1755 one adult white male in 10 was a convict in Balt, AA, CH, QA counties. cites Roger Ekirch's Bound for America, 1987).
 

III. turns abruptly to political conflicts between Proprietor and 'ordinary Marylanders' (88) Notes strength of Court party (4 of 10 H of D seats) (89) Notes Lord Baltimore's coming to Maryland in 1732, presiding over the issue of paper money by the General Assembly. Before he leaves for hom, establishes a fee schedule (April 1733), rejects equivalency of quitrents and reestablishes their collection; pays governor out of 1704 revenue instead of by annual appropriation. Focuses on Dulany's cross over to the Court Party. Ogle's problems as governor (92-93); notes inspection act, typical small planter harvesting 1500 of tobacco, clearing about 200, or ca. L1/13/00. (93) Bladen's folly as representative of the troubles with a contankerous assembly. 1753- protecting the frontiers. Great quote on the Albany Plan (Franklin's). House of Delegates "not only rejected the plan, tehy denounced it as a scheme that would 'ultimately subvert' their 'happy form of government." It might "destroy the rights, liberties, and property of the his Majesty's loyal subjects."(94, quoting Mathew Page Andrews, 247-248).
 

IV. discusses Sharpe and the French and Indian War. [concerns about traitors in their midst (Catholics)-could use tax list for AA co. of papists as example of gov't taxing catholics]. Notes indian threat, Cresap's account of concern; Braddock's defeat. Notes failure of Maryland General Assembly to support war effort. Notes L40,000 appropriated for Fort Frederick. Mentions double tax on Catholics "nasty proof of Protestant fears." Notes assembly tying spending restrictions on appropriations, efforts to tax proprietary office earnings. (96).
 

[the difficulties faced by Catholic Landowners during the French and Indian War are discussed by Ellen Hart Smith, pp. 38-40, re: CC of A desire to go to Louisiana].
 
 

IV. compares/contrasts court party with country party; notes court party's dislike of 'leveling' radicalism of classical democracy. (96) Notes quote from Maryland Gazette criticizing court party, quoted by John Rainbolt in 1971 article on the Maryland Declaration of Rights, 1971, 66:422; discusses political structure, 14 counties after 1748, seven each shore; Proprietor's point of view in 1760 "by increasing the number of Delegates increases the number of opponents to the Government." (97, quoted by Skaggs, 31, n. 3. Skaggs cites Archives of Maryland, IX, p. 381, which is a letter from the Secretary of the Province, Cecilius Calvert, to Governor Sharpe). [Cecilius Calvert, Youngest son of Benedict Leonard Calvert, 4th Lord Baltimore, (1702-1766), and Secretary to his Nephew Frederick, 4th and last Lord Baltimore]. 1773, Harford and Caroline created. [4x16=64 delegates plus two for Annapolis, or 66]. Relies on Skaggs to make the argument that 1 in 3 white adult males could not meet property or relgious stipulations. (98) 50 acres or forty pounds sterling necessary for freemen to vote. notes that Eddis observes that delegates were "generally persons of the greatest consequence in their different counties." Drift: as century wore on fewer people could qualify to participate in the political process. Discusses jail conditions (100-101), generally dealing with sad plight of the debtor, tenant. Uses Tommy R. Thompson, MHM, 72 (1977) and 73 (1978) for view of debtors. In the late 60s assembly establishes almshouses.
 

V. argument that Stamp Act hit Maryland at time when people already heavily in debt to European (English, Scottish, Dutch) merchants (103); [but Stamp Act opposed in parliament, according to Secretary Calvert, on Maryland's behalf, because of the lanugage of the Charter. Argument not between the Proprietor (Court Party) and Country party, but between Parliament and all of Maryland.] In Maryland the Radicals (Chase, et. al.) pushed for more. Walter Dulany and John Brice called Chase a "Busy restless Incendiary -- a Ringleader of Mobs -- a foul mouth'd and inflaming Son of Discord and Passion -- a common Disturber of the public Tranquility." Dulany, (Parliamentary Secretary) opened courts, provincial offices four days before news of Stamp Act repeal arrived. (107)
 

Nonimportation; offsets his arguments about indebtedness with one of expansion and growth (Baltimore).
 

VI. "The strands of disaffection with a "parent," country or Whiggish political thought, lower-class grievance, and mercantile self-interest -- all came together in the next six years to assault proprietary favoritism and imperial restriction alike. The process --irregular and almost imperceptible until 1774-- began with a final fight between the lower house and proprietary establishment over fees." (108)
 

--problem of clergy (Bennett Allen)
 

--fees, First Citizen (Carroll) vs. 2nd citizen (Antillon, Dulany); sees generational difference between C of A and C of C. (111)
 

beginnings of the 'popular party'; CC of C's glee a imminent fall of Dulany power; May 1773 elections where D's were "humbled, and what is more galling they have great reason to fear an end of their powers, influence and future promotion." (111, citing Hoffman, 120-121).
 

VII. Deeping Crisis
 

--1774 Annapolis Resolves, [radicals] Hammonds, John Hall push Popular party even further. response to call for united colonial resistence.
 

Arrival of Peggy Stewart, October 1774; too radical
 

Marylanders in Congress are moderates, move for nonimportation, then non-exportation a year later
 

--1775, March Bush River Declaration; July, burning of the Totness in West River, July 1775; Association of Freemen, late July 1775.
 

notes presence of loyalists; role of Methodists in fomenting dislike of gentry which meant opposing those gentry in favor of resistance, thus Methodists, conservative, loyalists (117). On June 28, 1776, Maryland Convention reversed itself and voted to direct the Maryland Congressmen to vote for Independence (119).
 

VIII. Maryland leaders hope to minimize revolutionary change. Notes the adoption of the usual restrictions of voting for the constitutional Convention of 1776. "leaving no doubt of their conservative bent" (120)
 

[note that in the Journal of the Convention meeting January 17, 1776, there is a resolve that new elections in Charles, St. Mary's and Cecil be by ballot (Proceedings of the Conventions, p 136)]
 

notes pressure from anyone bearing arms to be permitted to vote (120).
 

"Of the 414 persons selected to fill new offices, 335 never before had been part of government." (124)
 

[source? meaning? Although not footnoted, comes from Hoffman, Spirit of Dissension, p. 223: quotes Eddis that the number of public officials in the new government grew tremendously. "Figures available for office holding during the Revolution bear out Eddis' observation. Between 1776 and 1778 some 913 new positions were established at the county level to enforce the various administrative programs adopted by the legislature. Tax commissioners, purchasing agents, loan subscription committees and other such agencies came into existence. In all, the General Assembly slected 414 people to serve, and of that number 335 entered a position of authority for the first time. Their presence at the county level represented a reliable force aiding the state's authorities in the efforts to establish control."]
 

argues success in part depended upon success in the field. (123)

(Tory Pirate China Clow, p. 123-124)
 

Congress in Baltimore, 1776-1777.
 

[misses point that Baltimore prospers on the adversity afflicting the other American ports]
 

discusses success of the Maryland Line (due to commonness of outdoor sportsand rugged life on the frontier?-128);