108 divorce, and/or widowhood, the proportions of Blacks and whites in the work force continued to diverge radically. The Black community continued to differ from other ethnic communities in that a majority or near majority of its women in all phases of the adult life cycle worked. In terms of the location of women in general in the working class* above it was argued that women workers tended to polarize toward the non-industrial sectors, that they were heavily concentrated in domestic work and in certain occupational categories in the commercial and clerical sectors, and that in manufacturing they concentrated on the operative level of certain labor intensive industries. Taking race and ethnicity into account (see Table 4-4C), we find that Black women were drastically underrepresented in all these areas of concentration except domestic work^1. In fact, Black women made 85.5% of all personal servants and 913% of all employed Black women held these jobs. White women, foreign- and U.S.-born, were drastically overrepresented throughout manufacturing and commerce, and sharply underrepresented in the domestic sector. The processes of job distribution for white and Black women workers in Baltimore were so distinct, so separate — qualitatively more so than those for Black and white men — that it is impossible to consider them racial variations of a single gendered process. In other words, there were actually two distinct gendered divisions of labor operating, one for Black women and one for white women. In Baltimore in 1930, it was not working-class women in general who had a growing role as operatives in industry and in the new working-class occupations of communications, commerce, and clerical (the more modern, dynamic sectors), but white women; it was not women in general who virtually monopolized the backward, semi-capitalist domestic service sector, but Black women. There were, of course, areas of overlap between the divisions of labor for Black and white women. However, even these areas of overlap demonstrate the