Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 414
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 414
   Enlarge and print image (70K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
414 scared to join the NAACP - because we were doing all these radical things, you know, challenging school segregation, challenging this, and challenging that. So she felt also that they would teach the colored people to stand up for their own neighborhoods where they had investments and keep these taverns out. And so these neighborhood associations, backed by the NAACP, would go to court, and we would provide the lawyers, and the like. And they also became wonderful assets in our voter registration campaigns. Now the liquor boards were under the state, and the members were appointed by the governor. She went with many groups to Annapolis to protest. We found that where there wasn't much money being paid, we won. But the bottom line was that where a lot of money was being put out to get a tavern in whatever neighborhood, they usually got the license. It was a big battle, and then we would appeal it. We won a number of them in court, but it was an arduous, hard struggle to keep our own neighborhoods, residential neighborhoods, free of taverns near our churches and our schools. Finally, they adopted a policy that a tavern couldn't be within a hundred and fifty feet of a school. You know, a hundred and fifty feet is not very far."^ In their first few years, the neighborhood protective associations organized not only against of liquor outlets, but also against the placement of barbershops, funeral parlors, horse stables, a rag factory, and a mattress factory in Black residential neighborhoods. The relationship between the NAACP and the neighborhood associations was obviously close (although Clarence Mitchell later remembered some NAACP forces were initially less than happy with these organizations). The neighborhood associations nonetheless had a life of their own and were grassroots organizations; the local NAACP acted as their sponsor, their advocate, and, in the broadest sense, gave them direction. These neighborhood associations became well known nationally: in 1943, when Tfie Crisis profiled LJllie Jackson briefly, it attributed three accomplishments to her leadership: the 5,000- member Baltimore branch, the Maryland state conference of branches, and the network of neighborhood associations throughout African American Baltimore. Parenthetically, the NAACP branch was not the only force in the Black community of Baltimore that was involved in neighborhood improvement In 1935, the Afro sponsored the first of its annual Clean Block campaigns. Over a period of