Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 409
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 409
   Enlarge and print image (61K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
409 persuade Black clothing workers to join the ILGWU; success, he wrote, eluded him because the Blacks distrusted the union's Jewish leadership. Lewis, however, had few criticisms of Jewish department store owners (remember, several were on the BUL board), saying they would gladly remove Jim-Crow restrictions if other stores did. And he only had praise for Rabbi Israel and his work with the freedom movement, League for Industrial Democracy, the American League against War and Fascism, and the trade union.^4 What can be made of this debate? First, though the number of participants was small, the exchange leaves the impression that Black-Jewish antagonisms, were particularly sharp in Baltimore in the 1930s. An editorial in The Crisis on anti- Semitism, leaves a similar impression: the only concrete reference made is the whole editorial is to the department store dispute in Baltimore. Some reminiscences by veterans of the Baltimore Black freedom movement have suggested that Black alienation from Jews was greater there because Jewish progressives in Baltimore were on the whole less involved in supporting the Black freedom struggle than in other cities. But more important, no doubt, was the fact that in Baltimore, relatively large Jewish and Black communities were juxtaposed in a Jim-Crow town, and bourgeois and petty-bourgeois elements of the Jewish community joined in the overt segregationism of their milieu. In the sphere of retail commerce in particular, white Jews were on the front lines of Jim Crow. Secondly, it should be noted that there was a definite tendency in Israel's article and in some of the letters, including that of Edward Lewis, to underplay the degree of exploitation and oppression suffered by Blacks in Baltimore in relationship to some Jews. Every point in Lillie Jackson's letter, including the perception by some Black domestics that Jewish employers were more difficult than other white employers, was substantially based in fact. Moreover, there was a structural asymmetry to the positions of Blacks and Jews in the city that cannot be ignored: some portions of the Jewish community were involved in oppression and