Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 359
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 359
   Enlarge and print image (61K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
359 Baltimore which resulted in special links between the freedom movements in these two border cities. And Charles Houston had been much involved in the D.C. 22 movement. In 1935, Houston was in the process of leaving his position as dean of Howard Law School to become the full-time special counsel to the NAACP national office and to head up the organization's legal work. He and the NAACP leadership were contemplating a major legal campaign against segregation. The NAACP had just received a $10,000 grant from the American Fund for Public Service, a New York-based philanthropy headed by Roger Baldwin, to work for improved African American education. The NAACP decided to use this money to challenge segregated and unequal schooling for Blacks. Because of his knowledge of Maryland, because of the support he felt he could expect from the Baltimore freedom movement (despite the fact that the local NAACP chapter was all but moribund), and because he felt that Maryland, as a border state, was ripe for a legal challenge to its schools, Houston decided to make Maryland his "legal laboratory." Consequently the first case taken up in the new NAACP legal 0-3 campaign was opening the University of Maryland Law School to Black students/0 The choice of the University of Maryland Law School as a target represented an intersection of a number of national and local interests and calculations. At first glance, the a focus on a law school, given the massive deprivation suffered by African Americans at the most basic educational levels, might seem to be a highly elitist strategy. However, in its conception, the opposite was true. Tactically, it was decided that higher education, especially graduate and profession schools, were the weakest links, legally speaking, in the system of segregated education. It would be, the argument went, possible for states to convince the courts that their segregated primary and secondary school systems complied with the "separate but equal" rule of the Supreme Court's 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision, the reigning doctrine of the day. It would, however, be much