Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 273
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 273
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273 democracy. ^ Finally, the retention of leadership by the left within the center-left PUL is clear from PUL's consistent anti-racism. To attempt to build a racially integrated mass organization anywhere in the United States in 1933 was a radical proposition. To do so in Baltimore was extremist. In those years, apart from PUL, only the Communist Party had made such an attempt. Although PUL had a number of locals that were nearly all-Black or all-white because of residential segregation in Baltimore and the league's neighborhood-based organizing strategy, its self-help activities, its protests, and even its soapbox agitation was integrated and aggressively anti-racist. Trager later wrote about an unemployed Black worker with whom he worked closely: He wasn't a bodyguard, since we didn't need one, but he was burly enough - I had been a wrestler — so that together we could handle the produce and distribute it with no difficulty. He accompanied me on street corner talks, which I used to give from the back of the truck. We had a slogan at that time that we used as an opening and closing signature - "Black and white, unite and fight" My Negro companion, whose name I have lost during these past 40 years, would walk through the area and yell out the slogan to drum up an audience.66 And as Trager put it elsewhere, real racial integration took place in the General Council, where whites and Blacks fully participated togethei in basic decision- making. The priority the Socialist core in PUL put on anti-racist education is clear from Trager's statement in his 1934 letter to Norman Thomas that their greatest educational achievement had been "to get white men and women to work with and under Negro men and women." By the end of 1934, the PUL was becoming increasingly involved in anti-racism beyond the unemployed movement, in coalitions with forces in the Black freedom movement around issues such as lynching."' All of this is not to say that PUL's young Socialist organizers thought no more could be done with PUL in terms of the struggle for socialism. In early 1934,