Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 230
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 230
   Enlarge and print image (60K)            << PREVIOUS   NEXT >>
230 was, though, transformed. Most significantly, the movement decided to focus its energies on fighting the injunction in court. The freedom movement in Baltimore had a long history, dating from the late nineteenth century, of taking battles into the courts. In recent years, though, the only really important civil rights litigation in the Baltimore area was the defense of Euel Lee, led by the Communist Party, albeit with significant support from the Forum and the Afro. The legal fight against the injunction was thus a return by the much of the Black freedom movement to a recently neglected, but long established strategy.40 The boycott movement did not entirely relinquish mass mobilization when it turned to the courts, but in a manner that echoed the practice of the Communist Party far more than its predecessors in the mainstream of the Baltimore Black freedom movement, it supplemented legal action with mass meetings and even demonstrations. Costonie disappeared right after the injunction to avoid a summons, then five days later brazenly appeared at a rally at Bethel AME Church. When the police sought to enter, the audience led by the minister, Reverend Banker, forced them to retreat. Costonie delivered his speech and sneaked out the back while the police were distracted in the front. And repeatedly, the movement packed the court hearings with supporters who aggressively and repeatedly made their views known, sometimes to the apparent discomfort of movement lawyers. Another shift in the post-injunction boycott movement was its relationship to the national Black freedom movement. The Buy Where You Can Work Movement had attracted a great deal of attention nationally, and the leadership of the NAACP had been watching closely. The fact that Charles Houston, dean of the Howard Law School and head of the NAACP legal department, accompanied by William Hastie, professor of law at Howard (and leader of Washington's New Negro Alliance), came to argue against the injunction at the hearings in January 1934 indicated a new level of direct involvement by national leadership in the Baltimore