Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 75
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Andor D. Skotnes, The Black Freedom Movement and the Worker's Movement in Baltimore, 1930-1939, Rutger's PhD, 1991,
Image No: 75
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75 6. A university and agricultural college for colored people supported by the State. 7. Closer co-operation between farmers and the State and Federal farm agents. Taken together these points indicate concern with African American influence on governmental institutions that effect the community (points 1,2, 4, 7), concern for Black education (points 2,3, 6), and concern for economic issues (1, 3, 5,7). These points also indicate a cross-class program for the community. Black working class interests are directly and overtly represented in point 5 promoting on trade union organization, and also (given the class character of inmates in both correctional and mental health institutions) in point 4. More middle-class interests are directly represented in points 1 and 3, and the direct interests of more elite strata are addressed in points 2 and 4. Interestingly, the interests of Black farmers, few of whom resided in Baltimore city or industrial region, are voiced in point 7; this, along with the fact that the Afro continued to include point 2 on equal salaries for teachers after these salaries were equalized in Baltimore but not in Maryland as a whole in 1927 indicates that the Afro saw its program - and in fact the Baltimore Black freedom movement itself — as addressing not just the city, but the whole metropolitan region. Another interesting feature of the program is that, while there are no points that focused solely on the needs of Black women, points 1 and 3 explicitly cite some women's needs. In short, the seven points are an attempt to articulate a tactical program for the whole of the African American community, statewide. While the seven points do not attempt to articulate every demand and concern evinced by the Baltimore and Maryland Black community in the era, two omissions are worth noting. First, there are no points that deal specifically with Black business or the interests of Black capital. The Afro in practice, however, was very involved in promoting African American enterprises and in lecturing the Black business elite on its obligations. This omission can only indicate that the Afro felt