Argersinger, "From Party Tickets to Secret Ballots. . .",
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Argersinger, "From Party Tickets to Secret Ballots. . .",
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From Party Tickets to S&-et Ballots 233 ened the regular party machinery by requiring that the nomination papers of can- didates be signed by the regular officers of the party convention. By preventing the printing and issuance of "bogus tickets," moreover, the Australian system gave the regular party organization increased control over local party officials and the ability to impose its will on conflicting groups, an instance of the law's ability to strengthen the "machine. "41 Republicans, Independents, and laborites were not satisfied with this ballot leg- islation but did support it as a great improvement over the previous system. The depth of Republican discontent was revealed, however, during the fall campaign when party offcials filed suit against the law, challenging its constitutionality on technical grounds related to the circumstances of its passage and because it did not apply to all counties. Their real objection, however, was against the provision that empowered the governor to choose election supervisors. Under the previous ar- rangement of having the county commissioners appoint election judges, Repub- licans had controlled the election machinery in several counties, particularly in Western Maryland. Expediently employing traditional Democratic rhetoric in an effort to protect this partisan advantage, Republicans condemned this new provision as "a flagrant act of centralization and partisanship" which "cheated the people by robbing the counties of their right of self-government." The Democratic State Committee retained counsel to assist the state's attorney general in defending the law before the courts. Mugwurnps and Democrats of all opinions were appalled at "the Republican assault" upon the Australian ballot, regarding the matter as "a political case, instituted for parry purposes strictly," and revealing "a good deal of hypocrisy in this Republican cry for ballot reform." The Sun insisted that Repub- licans relied on bribery and intimidation to retain the votes of blacks and Western Maryland miners, respectively, arid therefore opposed secret voting. "Yoked in an unholy alliance with the employing corporations, the Republican parry is opposed to the enfranchisement of the workingman, the freedom and secrecy of the ballot. "42 Maryland's courts also rejected Republican arguments and upheld the Australian ballot law, clearing the way for the first election to be held under its provisions. To prepare the electorate for the new style of voting, both Democrats and Republicans organized campaign schools to instruct voters in the use of the new ballot. Parry officials taught voters to select the right column by recognizing the party vignettes -the Democratic rooster, liberty tree, or Andrew Jackson portrait, depending on the voting district; the various pictures of Lincoln used by the Republicans; the Prohibitionist rose or flag. They carefully explained how to mark the ballots, a voter's task that had been not only unnecessary but actually discouraged under the party-ticket system. Finally, to overcome popular apprehension about being "shut up in a box" to vote, both major parties constructed voting booths and carried them around the state to illustrate the new system of voting at each political rally. Parry newspapers also used the campaign to educate the voters, printing facsimiles of the official ballot and detailed directions on how to vote.43 The 1890 election itself brought general satisfaction with the new system. Al- though many voters approached the Australian ballot experience and especially the booths "with trepidation," most were pleased. The major complaint in Baltimore was about the smallness of the voting compartments. "But even the worst booth,"