he eye of the law he property belonged, that
had he been a citizen of Massachusetts, be
would have resized the soldiery, if his life
had paid the forfeit. Had I been by the man,
were be my own brother, who raised his arm
to resist the performance of the duty which
was enjoined and devolved upon those 1,500
soldiers by a mandate of the President of the
United States, carrying out the law of the
land, I would have struck him down. I
would be consistent; for the very thing I
as a member of the Union party am con-
demning, is rebellion against the laws of
the land, for which I am ready to strike
down every man who does rebel against the
government of the United States. So I would
have struck him down, if he had been my
brother, and had attempted to impede the
law in its just and proper course.
The people of Prince George's look upon
the attempt to take away our slave property
as an Outrage. I desire to read a short lesson
to my friends. Thus far I believe I have not
quoted any authorities. I will now read this
from Nile's Register, January 14, 1832, vol.
41, page 869, taken from the Richmond En-
quirer:
"The two great subjects before the com-
mittees are those which relate to the colored
population of the State, and to its internal
improvements. Upon neither of these is the
committee yet prepared to report.
"It is probable, from what we hear, that
the Committee on the Colored Population
Will report some plan for getting rid of the
free people of color But is this all that can
be done? Are we forever to suffer the great-
est evil which can scourge our land, not only
to remain, but to increase in its dimensions?
' We may shut our eyes and avert our faces, if
We please,' (writes an eloquent South' Caro-
linian, on his return from the North a few
weeks ago,) 'but there it is, the dark and
growing evil, at our doors; and meet the
question we must, at no distant day. God
only knows what it is the part of wise men
to do on that momentous and appalling sub-
ject Of this I am very sure, that the differ-
ence—nothing short of frightful—between all
that exists on One side of the Potomac, and
all on the other, is owing to that cause alone.
The disease is deep-seated—it is at the heart's
core—it is consuming, and has all along been
consuming our vitals, and I would laugh, if
I could laugh, on such a subject, at the ignor-
ance and tolly of the politician, who ascribes
that to an act of the government which is
the inevitable effect of the eternal laws of
nature. What is to be done. Oh ! my God—
I don't know, but something must be done.'
" Yes----something must be done—and it, is
the part of no honest man to deny it—of no
free press to affect to conceal it. When this
dark population is growing upon us; when
every new census is but gathering its appall-
ing numbers upon us; 'when within a period |
equal to that in which this Federal Constitution
has been in existence, those numbers will
increase to more than 2,000,000 within Vir-
ginia; when our sister States are closing their
doors upon our blacks for sale, and when our
whites are moving westwardly in greater num-~
bers than we like to hear of. When this, the
fairest land on all this continent, for soil and
climate, and situation combined, might be-
come a sort of garden spot, if it were worked
by the hands of white men alone. Can we,
ought we, to sit quietly down, fold our arms,
and say to each other, 'Well, well; this
thing will not come to the worst in our day.
We will leave it to our children and our
grand-children, and great grand-children, to
take care of themselves—and to brave the
storm?' Is this to act like wise men " Heaven
knows! we are no fanatics—we detest the
madness which actuated the Amis des Noirs.
But something ought to be done. Means
sure, but gradual, systematice, but discrete,
ought to be adopted, for reducing the mass of
evil, which is pressing upon the South, and
will still more press upon her, the longer it
is put Off. We ought not to shut our eyes,
nor avert our faces. And though we speak
almost without a hope, that the Committee
or the Legislature will do anything, at the
present session. to meet this question, yet we
say now in the utmost sincerity of our hearts,
that our wisest men cannot give too much of
their attention to this subject— nor can they
give if too soon."
One word more, and I will close. My
friends on the opposite side have harped on
the expression "take away" their slaves.
The 'people of Prince George's look upon the
attempt to "take away'" their slave property,
as an outrage. We have met here, sent by
the people, to frame a new Constitution to
govern this State; not to make it; we do not
make the Constitution, but frame it, and re-
port it to the people, and when the people act
upon if favorably, it is they who make the
Constitution and not we. If the people, who
have given us the right to hold slaves, and
who have tolerated this institution so long
within the BORDER=0s and confines of this State,
choose to say that it shall exist no longer, it
is for the people to say so, and not for this
Convention.
Mr. President, I thank the Convention for
their patience and great courtesy in granting
me an unlimited extension of time.
Mr. CLARKE. I desire to say one word in
personal explanation, to accompany the re-
marks of the gentleman from Baltimore
county (Mr. Berry.) The gentleman re-
marks that in the remarks I made the other
day, I charged the Union parly with not
being satisfied until they had the blood of
the opposition. I will simply read from the
manuscript from which I then read, to show
what I did say: |
