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of rights, that after a Constitution is established approved by the people of the State, and becomes thfe organic law of the land — a bare majority, re gardless of the provisions of the Constitution from caprice, or inflamed by popular excitement, have a right to overthrow the Constitution without the forms of law. In this he is supported by ble elo- quent friends from Frederick, (Mr. Johnson ant Mr. Thomas,) the former of whom, so emphati- cally expressed his opinions, "that the people, the immortal, the eternot people, could do whal Ihey pleased." Mr.J. said, be would ask his friend from Bal- timore, whether |the Constitution about to be adopted, should it be confirmed by the people oi the State, would not become the law of the land? Mr. PRESSTMAN replied, that it would — but that the people had a right to change it. Mr. J. said, he conceded that right to the ut- most extent, and read the 1st, 4th, and 41st arti- cles of the bill of rights, to show that it was re- cognized in express terms. The 1st article provides, "That all govern- ment of right originates from the people, is founded in compact only, and instituted solely for the good of the whole." The 4th article: "That whenever the ends of government are perverted, and public liberty manifestly endangered, #c., the people may, and ef right ought to do, reform the old, or establish a new government." And the 41st provides for the manner of altering or abolishing the Con- stitution. Mr. J. asked, what language can be more ex- plicit? Here the rights of the people are pro- tected for the good of the whole. But a mere majority tumultuously assembled from the city of Baltimore and the adjoining counties, with- out form of law — without "the ends of govern- ment being perverted, or public liberty endan- gered," assuming to control the whole State for political or worse purposes, should not be recognized in a bill of rights. If the people — the "eternaU>the immortal peo- pleV' cati abolish theirown Constitution, and es- tablish whatever they please, whenever they please, regardless of law and order, what be- comes of the rights of the minority, which, per- haps, may be only a few thousand or a few hun- dred less than that majority? Look at the populous city of Baltimore now numbering 170,000 souls; Baltimore county near 43,000; Frederick county near 40,000; their in- terests in many respects identical. By the facil- ity of your railroads and other works of internal unpi o vomont, tho whole population may bo ool lected in a mass, in twenty-four hours. This as- sembled multitude without law or order — with- out even the knowledge of the distant counties of the State, being the "eternal people," may "throw off the existing and establish a new Con- stitution." Such is the construction which the remarks of gentlemen justify. The gentleman from Baltimore city, (Mr. Presstman,) in a former speech, took a states- man-like view of the question of reform, and ex- 20

pressed his opinion that the re was not an intelli- gent man in Baltimore, under existing circum- stances, who expected or desired representation based exclusively on numbers. He has been justly complimented for that speech. But now the ground he takes is infinitely more objection- able, (Mr. J. said,) and he might add, dangerous to the interests of the counties of the State. You have, Mr. President, only this morning engrafted the first article in the new Constitu- tion about to be formed: "That the Legislature shall pass no law afiecting the existing relation of master and slave in this State." This article has been adopted by a unanimous vote of the Convention. This was intended to put to rest the fanaticism as regards this question in Mary- land, and would do so, as long as the Constitu- tion and laws are respected. But, if you recognise the right of a bare ma- jority, ''at all times, and in any manner they deem expedient," to abolish the existing and es- tablish a new system — what becomes of the rights this day guarantied by the unanimous vote of this Convention ? Where is the security for a month's continuance of it? If the city of Balti- more with the two counties referred to, who have less interest in this species of property than any other portion of the State, should deem it expedient to abolish it — what are the modes of preventing it ? The lower counties cannot rise up in mass, as can be done in the others. It is true, that the gentleman from Dorchester county (Mr. Hicks,) perhaps, apprehending this state of things, has offered an amendment that the Eastern Shore should have the tight to secede and unite with another State. Mr. President, the time has been when the word "disunion" applied to the general govern- ment, or "secession" to the counties of a State, fell upon my ear as the words of a traitor, but occasions may arise, when they may become the language of patriotism. Once admit that a dense mass congregated' to- gether without the forms of law, "whenever they Jecm it expedient, " may abolish your Constitution, that doctrine advocated in this Convention by gen- tleman representing a high minded, intelligent and law abiding constituency — the right of SB- cession, should go "pari possa," with it. It wottM jecome the duty of the Eastern Shore and of th« ower counties of the Western Shore to adopt any means to protect themselves, their liberties and their property, from revolution and anar- chy. Mr. J. said we should not shut our eyes Ar ears to the warnings of experience. Massachu- setts has had to contend with lawless spirits par- rading portions of hor heretofore quint State. ihode Island has been the theatre of anarchy. , The populous cities of New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, have at different times felt the ej- ects of an uncontroled and excited populace. Similar scenes may again be inflicted upon them, tat none have ever, until now, advocated it as a right. A few years since the whole 'of Maryland felt is Baltimore, experienced the want of salutary aws, or a proper execution of them, to protect the