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it an organic law better suited t o their wishe 1 a,nd necessities. Mea would be worse than slaves if the j were to hold themselves bound bj such decrees, or yield a tame acquiescence in them. The people are eternal — immortal. Govern ment is immortal — though its peculiar form anc features must be changed, so as to be adapted to the fluctuations of human life and the viciisi- tudes of human affairs, I will not go into a puz zle. It is admitted that the people have a righ to make, and to change their Constitution. I wil Dot go into dialectics to show, that when I admit a board principle, and say "yes, you may do this thing for yourself to-day," 1 cannot cripple anc invalidate that very principle by adding, "but you cannot let the people do it for themselves to- morrow." I belong to no such school of tactics. If the people have the right to-day to change their Consti tution, they have the right to-morrow. As their minds and the circumstances by which they are surrounded change, they may so change their Constitution, as to give it a more perfect adaptation to the new condition of affairs. Take an illustration — it may, perhaps, at this time of day, be regarded as an absurd one; but il will answer for the occasion. Let us imagine all the departments of the government — legislative, executive and judicial — conspiring to overthrow the influence of the people, and to monopolise all power within their own hands. IB there a man •w^th a human heart beating in his bosom, or a mit.d that yet retains one lingering impression of the great principles of human freedom, that would not rebel — instantly, wildly rebel against such outrages? The people — the people alone — are to direct and control these things; and I will not desecrate their cause by calling them a "mob." Mr. CHAMBERS, of Kent, interposed and said, that he had applied the term to a certain class of lawless men, and hoped he was not understood as applying it to all popular assemblies. If the gentleman from Frederick, (Mr. Johnson,) had Understood him as saving one word either in op- position to the right of revolution, or in relation to that right at all, the gentleman was mistaken. He was fighting a shadow. Whenever oppres- sion justified revolution, that was another affair. Mr. JOHNSON, (continuing.) I was not answer- ing the argument I do not intend to do so, nor to go into a skirmish. I consider the term inap- propriate to the. peoplei of Maryland. What is revolution t What is meant by the term:? Let uscome to the meaning of words and define them. All change is revolution, :Mr. CHAMBERS, of Kent, (in his seat.) Forcible charge. " Mr. JOHNSOJJ, (continuing.) That is another thing. I am not to be drawn off in that way. I say, revolution is change, alteration, mutation. Revolution is going on daily, hourly, in our own nature. Aft the elements are in a state of revo- lution. The seasons gracefully revolve. I am not going to discuss what is revolution. Let not' "(MtTiepreseisUid^as'abttg-teat here. It is not fleod—it is not fire— it M i?ot sword— it is not

cannon. Revolution is alteration. We are in the progress of revolution at this moment. We are changing, or attempting to change a past state of things to a present, and a future; and I suppose that those who come after us will be as wise as we are, with all of our experience, and, at the same time, more than our Knowledge. I pass over the first and second articles of the bill of rights. The fourth article teaches revolu- tion. Human language cannot be stronger. It teaches us that whenever the people are Oppres- sed, it is their high and holy duty to turn out their rulers and kick otf a government that Jails them. That duty is inscribed upon the decrees of the political Decalogue of Maryland. It is al- ready spoken. It is already proclaimed. How then may you do this thing ? If the pep- pie have the power, and that is conceded, then I agree with the gentleman from Baltimore, (Mr. Presstman, )that they will always have good sense enough to exercise the power discreetly and wise- ly. It is not for me to hold up the feeble light t>f my pale candle— it is not for me to eonfine with- in the compass of my own limited horizon, tfte desires, the hopes, the interests, the necessities of those who may follow me, and whose expanse of vision may perhaps leave my own in compara- tive darkness. The question is plain. I will not argue it. I will vote " aye," from morning to night, and from night to morning on sueh pro- positions. I recollect that when & boy, some twenty years ago, in the city of New t?orkj 'the American Historical Society held a meeting for the purpose of organization. I attended it. The venerable John Quincy Adams was made Presi- dent, and the first duty was to form a Constitu- tion. Article by article was adopted; and finally a young lawyer rose in his place, and offered an article, declaring that a majority of the society could change their Constitution whenever they >leased. 'He was about addressing the Chair, vhen the venerable old man said to him, " Sit, t is useless to incorporate such an article in 'the Constitution; for in the nineteenth century, in America, it would be ridiculous to assert a pow- er which no one dare deny, and in which the whole world concur." Therefore, whether we insert in our Constitu- ion those declarations, as to what the people may do, or whether we do not insert them,, hey can, and will, whenever they are in a ma- ority, correct the abuses of their government. say, they always will do it. There is. not in lie wide world a people more forbearing, more orderly, more law-loving, more attachedto the rue principles of republican government^ than he people of this brave old State1 of Maryland, f any evidence of this truth is needed, we have >ut to point to the patient endurance with which bey have Consented to live under their old Con- titution, without suffering themselves to be quick- ned to rash or evil acts. :.;->, But I will say no more. I rose to give an opin- on — not to make an argument. Nor do 1 degite o do so; for I do not believe that, any converts are to be made on this .question by discussing it Mr. BRINT, of Baltimore oitjKi»dlj>aM^iat