Argersinger, "From Party Tickets to Secret Ballots. . .",
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Argersinger, "From Party Tickets to Secret Ballots. . .",
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From Party Tickets to Secret Ballots: The Evolution of the Electoral Process in Maryland During the Gilded Age PETER H. ARGERSINGER In recent years, historians have significantly altered our understanding of Gilded Age politics. They have shifted the focus from party elites and national platforms to the mass constituencies of political parties and the social issues that animated them. They have carefully specified typologies of elections and subtly explored the creation of partisan cultures.' But the reexamination of the period's politics is incomplete without an analysis of the role of the electoral process itself. This subject involves a number of apparently mundane matters, such as selecting election officials, managing the polls, identifying qualified voters, overseeing the mode of voting, counting the ballots, and reporting the returns. But historians must not regard election machinery and electoral rules merely as givens. As politicians and their opponents recognized, the electoral structure both reflected and shaped politics and had significant practical consequences for voters, parties, and public policy. The evolution of the electoral process in Maryland during the Gilded Age demonstrates this important reality. During the 1870s and 1880s the electoral process in Maryland was dominated by the political parries, operating within a loose legal framework that facilitated electoral abuses and controversy. In the first place, the election officials designated to oversee the polls-three judges and two clerks at each voting precinct-were appointed by partisan politicians who had a vested interest in the conduct of elections. In Maryland's counties the elected county commissioners selected such officials; in Baltimore, the responsibility was assigned to a board of elections supervisors appointed by the governor. Fairness was supposedly guaranteed by mandating that the party affiliation of one judge differ from that of his two colleagues, but this requirement was sometimes blatantly ignored or, more often, subtly subverted. Partisan Democratic supervisors, for example, frequently appointed as the putative Republican judge representing the minority party "Democrats in Republican disguise," Republicans hostile to the ticket of their own party, or persons dependent on the goodwill of the Democratic officials for their occupation or liquor. As one Democratic elections supervisor admitted in 1885, his procedure was simply to appoint as judges "the two sharpest Democrats and the weakest Republican" he could find in each precinct. One Iabor candidate for the Baltimore City Peter H. Argersinger, University of Maryland, Baltimore County, is the author of Populism arid Politics: William A#i-ed Peffer arid the People's Party (Kentucky, 1974). 214 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE VoL. 82, No. 3, FALL 1987